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No. IV,
THE
HISTORY
Indian If at0 in ^m dn^knfl
FROM THE
First Settlement to the Termination of THE War with King Philip, in 1677.
FROM THE
ORIGINAL WORK,
BY THE
Rev. WILLIAM HUBBARD.
Carefully Revifed, and Accompanied with an Hifiorical Preface^ Life and Pedigree of the Author^
AND
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE. VOL. 11.
PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD,
ROXBURY, MASS.
MDCCCLXV.
No.
Entered according to Adl of Congrefs, in the Year 1865.
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE,
in the Clerk's office of the Diftrid Court of the United States
for the Diftridt of Maffachufetts.
^^\U
EDITION OF THREE HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES, OF WHICH FIFTY ARE ON LARGE PAPER.
it'
m
SUPPLEMENT
CONCERNING THE
WAR
WITH THE
P E 0 u o D s;
READER, / Could willingly now have expeBed that fny Indenture being cancelled, I might have had a Dijcharge frojn any further Labour of this Nature ; but leji I be found to have fal fifed my Word paffed m the Title of the Narrative, accord- ing to the Civilians Rule, Nihil dicitur fadium quamdiu aliquid fupereft ad agendum ; As alfo that other, Non abfolutus eft debitor qui multa reddit, fed qui omnia; being fome Inti-
' Giving a Hiftory of the Pcquot War in this Work was unqueftion- ably an After-thought of the Author; A2
otherwife he would have placed it in its natural chronological Order, at the Beginning of the Volume.
6 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 1 1 6
711 at ion hath already been made of great Trouble ivith the Pequod Indians, at the Jirjl fettling of the Plantations upon Conne6licut River, that I may make even^ though not over-meafiire, I JJjall in the laft Place give this following Account thereof left either under the Hands of fuch as commanded in Chief - in that ABion, or from the Mouths of fome faithful WitneffeSy that were not only then prefent, but per- finally concerned and engaged in that Serviced
There was a Nation of the Indians in the Southern Parts of New-England, called Pe quods, feated on a fair navigable River, twelve Miles to the Eaftward of the Mouth of the great and fa- mous River of ConneBicut ; who (as was com- monly reported about the Time when New- England was iirfh planted by the Engliih) being a more fierce, cruel, and warlike People than the Reft of the Indians, came down out of the more inland Parts of the Continent, and by Force feized upon one of the goodlieft Places near the Sea,
- Hence the Author ufed Capt. was then publifhed. Mafon's Account, as will be fcen •' As the Author was born fif- more fully acknowledged further on. teen Years before the Pequot War, Dr. I. Mather alfo ufed Mafon's he was cotemporary with all of the Work, but as I have fliown in my A6lors in it; and was doubtlefs Edition of his Relation, his Copy perfonally acquainted with Endicott, of it was furnifhed by Mr. John Trafk, Underhill, Stoughton, Pat- Allen, the Secretary of Connedicut, rick, Davenport, &c., as alfo with as his own Work. Hence Dr. the Conncdicut Captains. It is Mather was miflcd, and this accounts therefore a contemporaneous Hifto- for fome conflifting Statements of ry, and holds a Place of the firft thefc .Authors. From an unpub- importance, with the perfonal Nar- lifiicd Letter of Mr. Allen to Mr. rativcs of Mafon, Underhill, Gardi- Mather, dated September 17th, ner and Vincent. As to Letters 1677, it appears that the Relation concerning the War, few arc extant.
1 1 7 ] with the htdiafts iit New-Kit gland. 7
and became a Terrour to all their [117] Neigh- bours, on whom they had exercifed feveral A6ts of inhuman Cruelty ; infomuch that being fluflied with Victories over their Y ^Wo\n -Indians , they be- gan to thirft after the Blood of any Foreigners, Englifh and Dutch, that accidentally came amongft them, in a Way of Trade, or upon other Accounts.
In the Year 1634, they treacheroully and cruelly murthered Captain Stone, and Captain Norton, who came occafionally with a Bark into the River to Trade with them. Not long after, within the Compafs of the next Year, they in like treacherous Manner flew one Mr. Oldham (formerly belonging to New-Flimouth, but at that Time an Inhabitant of the Majfachiifets) at Block-IJland, a Place not far from the Mouth of their Harbour, as he was fairly Trading with them : belides fome other fuch like A(5ls of perfidious Cruelty towards fome of the Dutch that had formerly been trad- ing up CojineBicut River ;'^ by which Pra6tifes
■t I do not find any particular Dutch at their Trading-houle upon Details of the early Hoftilities be- Connefticut River, and that in Re- tween the Dutch and the Pequots, taliation the Dutch had killed their referred to here. Nothing beyond "old Sachem and fome others of what Winthrop has briefly noted in their Men." Hence, having cut his Journal, from a Report of the themfelves off from trade all around Time, which amounted to this: Up in that Region, they came to Bofton to this Year the Pequots governed to attempt to open a Traffic with the Narraganfets, but now (1634) the Englifli. The Name of the old the latter had rebelled or feceded, Pequot Sachem jufl mentioned was in confequence of which there was Tntobam, and Snjfacus was his Sue- War between them; that the Pc- ceiTor. See Winthrop, \, 147; quots, having killed fome Indians Hijl. and Antiqs. of Bo'hn, 179; who were going to trade with the O'Callaghan's New Netherlands,
8 A Narrative of the Troubles [117
perceiving that they began to ftink in the Noftrils of their Neighbours, whofe Revenge they now^ began to fear, and not willing to have to deal with too many Enemies at once, they imitated the Subtilty of the Children of Ammon, when they began to ftink before David ; endeavouring to ifrengthen themfelves with Alliance of fome of thofe they had formerly provoked, that by their Affi (lance they might defend themfelves againft the Reft, not doubting but to make their Part good with their foreign Enemies, if they could be reconciled to their Indian Neighbours, the Narbaganfets ; or Home-bred Enemies, if they could but fortifie themfelves by a League of Friendihip with any of their foreign Neighbours that were newly come to plant in thefe Parts. To this End they fent Meffengfers with Gifts to the Maffdchiijcts in the latter End of the fame Year 1634,5 the firft Meffengers were difmilTed without an Anfwer : but they being fenfible of their own Danger, and of the great Importance a Peace with the Engliil:i of the MaJJachuJets
157. Tatobam had fold the Land two Bundles of Sticks, whereby he
on the River to the Datch, on which fignificd how many Deaver and Oc-
thcycredcd a Trading lioufe, which ter Skins he would give us for that
they named Fort Hope. Ibid. End, and great Store of Wampom-
peage (about two BuOiels, by his
5 Under Date Nov. 6th, 1634, Dcfcription). He brought a fmall
Winthrop entered in his Journal, i, Prefent with him, which Mr. Lud-
14.7^ "There came to the Deputy low received, and returned a Moofe
Governor [Mr. Roger Ludlow] Coat of as good Value, and withal
about fourteen Days iincc, a Mcf- told him he muft fend fome Pcrfons
fengcr from the Pekod Sachem, to of greater Quality, and then our
defire our Friend fhip. He brought Governor would treat with him."
1 1 8 1 with the Indians in New-England. 9
might be, purfued the Bulinefs very earneftly, fending Mellengers a fecond Time, who offered much Wampam (Indians Money) and Beaver ; with thefe fecond Melfengers the Governour and Council of the Majfachufcts had much Confer- ence many Days ; and at laft after the beft Advice they could take amongft themfelves, concluded a Peace and Friendihip with them upon thefe Conditions :^
1. That they Ihould deliver up to the Englifh thofe Perfons amongft them that were guilty of Captain Stones Death, and the Reft that were with him.
2. That if the Englifh defired to plant in Con- ned:icut they ihould give up their Right to them.
[118] 3. That the Englifh fhould thencefor- ward Trade with them as their Friends, which was a chief Thing aimed at, the faid Pequods be- ing at that Time in War with the Dutch, and the Reft of their Neighbours, on the Reafon fore- mentioned ; to thefe Conditions they readily agreed, and alfo cunningly infinuated their Delire that their new Confederates, the Majfachufets, fhould mediate Peace for them with the Narha- ganfets ; intimating likewife their willingnefs that a Part of the Prefent which they promifed to fend, fhould be given to them ; ftanding fo much upon
*' The Treaty appears to have " The Agreement they made with
been made on the 7th of Novem- us was put in Writing, and the two
ber. I have not met with the x'\mba{radours fet to their Marks.
Original, and Winthrop's Note One a Bow with an Arrow in it,
of it is all we have, which is this: and the other Hand."
I o A Narrative of the Troubles [ 1 1 8
their Honour, that they would not be fent to give any thing themfelves ; fuch was the Pride and Height of Spirit lodged in this Company of treacherous Villains, the Dregs and Lees of the" Earth, and Drofs of Mankind."
As for Capt. Stones Death, they fiily evaded the Guilt of it, falfly adding that there were but two left that had a Hand therein, and that it was a juft Quarrel wherein he was llain : for, faid they, he furprized fome of our Men, and would by Force have compelled them to fhew him the Way up the River ; whereupon the faid Stone coming afliore, with two more, was watched by nine of our Men (fay they) who finding them afleep in the Night, flew them to deliver our own Men, one of whom going afterward to the Barque, it was fuddenly blown up. Whereas the Truth of the Matter was thus -}
The faid Capt. Stone formerly belonging to Chrijicphers in the Weft Indies, occalionally com- ing to thefe Parts, as he palfed between this Place and Virginia, put in at that River, where the In- dians after they had been often on board his Vefl'el to trade with him, at the lail came friendly on Board as they ufed to do, but finding the Captain afleep in . his Cabin, took the Opportunity to Murther him as he lay, cafling a Covering over
" This fccms quite too be- ^ This is abridged from Win-
nighted, even for the Times of our throp, Journat i, 148, which an-
Author, and but illy agrees with the fwcrcd very well for that Time, but
CathoHcity wiih w^iiich he is ufually is not fatisfaftory now. Sec Ma-
crcditcd. t\\zx\ Re!aiio72, 114, &c.
119] "i^ith the htdians i?i New-England, 1 1
him that he might not be difcerned by the Reft, whom they prefently after difpatched one after another, all but Capt. NortGii, who made ftout Reiiftance, for a long Time defending himfelf in the Cook-room of the Bark, till the Gun-powder which he had fet in an open V^{{q\ to be more ready for his Ufe, accidentally took Fire, by which fatal Accident he was lb burned, and his Eyes fo blinded, that he could not make any longer Reiiftance, but forthwith fell into the Hands of thefe cruel and blood-thirfty Wretches, who after they had taken away his Life, made a Prey of all that was in the Veffe.L^
As for Mr, Oldham he was indeed Murthered at an Illand called by the Indians Manijjh (lince known among the Englifli by the Name of Block- Ifland) but thofe that murthered him (probably Inhabitants of the laid Illand) fled prefently to the Feqiiods, by whom they were Iheltered, and [i 19J* fo became alfo Guilty themfelves of his Blood, which ere long was revenged by them, as is in the next Place to be declared. '°
The Englifli of the Maffachufets after the Peace concluded with the Pequods, fent a Bark
•* It would have been far more isfadlory to the Inquirer. Dr. Ma- fatisfaftory if the Author had told us ther fays, that with Norton and on what Evidence this Statement Stone "all their Ship's Company rcfts. It was not an En2;lifh State- were barbaroufly murdered." Re- ment, for all the Englifh knowing Intion, 1 1 2. to the Fads were killed. The In- formation came moft probably from '" Befides what is contained here the Narraganfets, their Enemies, refpeding Capt. Oldham's Murder, Yet it is quite likely true as we have fee Cobbet's Narrative in TV. Eng. it, but it can never be entirely fat- Ifiji. and Gen. Regr., vii, 211-12.
12 A Narrative of the Troubles [119
thither for Trade, that Trial might be made of the Reality of their Friendlhip ; but they found them Treacherous and Falfe, and that no Advantage was to be had by any Commerce with them, infomuch as they took up a Refolution never more to have to do with them ; which the faid Indians perceiving, made no Account of the former Peace, but took all Advantage to do us Mifchief, not only by harbouring thofe who had murthered Mr. Oldham,'-^ but furprizing many of the Englifh in the Year 1636, when ConneBicut River began firft to be planted, divers of whom were killed (nine'- at one Time in April 1637.) by them about JVet/jersfield^ when the Plantation then lirfl: began, fo as they could not pafs up and down the River without a Gaurd, but they would be in Danger of being cut otf, or carried away, as two Maids were faid to be;'^ thirty Men have t5een killed by them in all ; thofe who fell into their Hands alive, were cruelly tortured after a moft barbarous Manner, by infulting over their Prifoners in a blafphemous Wife, when in their dying Agonies, under the Extremity of their Pains (their Fleih being firft llaflied with Knives, and then filled with burning Embers) they called upon God and Chrilf with gafping Groans, re-
I ' The real Murderers, at Icalt were killed, and two Girls carried
one of them, named ^//^^/^, were ofF alive. Relation, 119. afterwards difcovered, but whether '•'There is no uncertainty about
taken and punifhcd, does not ap- the " two Maids." One of them
pear. Sec Mather, Relation, 149. was a Daughter of William Swain,
"-Six Men and one Woman Ibid.
119] "uoith the hidia7is in New-England, 1 3
figning up their Souls into their Hands ; with which Words thefe wretched Caitiffs ufed to mock the Enghfli afterward, when they came within their Hearing and View.'"'-
About the fame Time fome Agents fent over by the Lord Say, and the Lord Brook, buik a Fort at the Mouth of ConneBicut River, wherein was placed one Lieutenant Gardener,^ ^ and a con- venient Number of Soldiers to fecure the Place intended foon after to be planted, but all the Winter following (fcii.) in the End of the Year 1636, they were little better than belieged by the faid Salvages, not daring to flir out of Command of the Fort, but they were ready to be feized by thefe their barbarous Enemies : At one Time the Lieu- tenant himfelf with ten or twelve of the Soldiers marching out of the Fort, with an Intent to pafs over a Neck of Land to burn the Marflies ; as foon as ever they were paffed over the Streight of the Neck, they efpyed a Company of Indians making towards the faid Iftmus, which if they could not recover, they fee they muff all perifh ; whereupon returning back with all Speed, they very narrowly efcaped, and were two or three of them killed notwithftanding, before they could get back into the Fort, which was prefently furrounded with Multitudes of them ; but the
14 This has reference, doubtlefs, out his own Work. His Dcfccnd-
to the Torture and Murder of IVIr. ants, however, have it Gardiner.
John Tilley and Mr. Samuel But- Lieut. Gardener's Chriftian Name
terfield. is always found L;jon or Lmi. Per-
'-^ The Name is thus fpelt through- haps an early Abbreviation o'i Lionel. B2
14- ^ Narrative of the 'Troubles [120
dilcharging of a Peice of Ordnance gave them Warning to keep further from the [120] Walls. Sometimes they came with their Canoos into the River in View of the Soldiers within the Fort, and when they apprehended themfelves out of reach of their Guns, they would imitate the dy- ing Groans and Invocations of the poor Captive Englifli, which the Englifli Soldiers were forced with filent Patience to bear, not being then in a Capacity to requite their infolent Blafphemies. But they being by thefe horrible Outrages juftly provoked to Indignation, unanimoully agreed to joyn their Forces together to root them out of the Earth with Gods AfTiftance/^
The Colony of the MaJJachiiJets did immedi- ately fet about it in the latter End of the Summer (1636) by fending out fourfcore Men under the Command of Capt. Endicot of Salem; who went to the Fequod Country by Water, with Commif- lion to treat with the faid Peqiwds, firft offering Terms of Peace, if they would furrender the Murtherers of the Englilh, and forbear further Adts of Hoftility or elfe fight them.
The Captain aforefaid coming afhore wdth his Company, by a Mellage fent them by an Inter- preter, obtained fome little Speech with a great Number of them at a Diftance; but after they underftood what was propounded to them, firlt cunningly getting behind a Hi41, they prefently
•' Gardener's own Account hav- makes Abftrads from it unneceffiiry ing been fcvcral Times reprinted, here. See Mather's Relatioii.
1 2o] with the Indians in New-Rngla7td, 1 5
ran away into the Woods and Swamps, where there was no purfuing of them : however one difcharging a Gun among them as they were taking their flight, flayed the courfe of one, which was all that could be done againft them for that Time.
Winter approaching, and no Encouragement prefenting further to purfue them at that Time, it was refolved better to return back for the pre- fent, and wait a further Seafon when more Forces could be gathered together to purfue the Quarrel to the utmoft.'^
During this Interim the Peqiwds perceiving that they had by feveral late Injuries and Out- rages, drawn upon themfelves the Hatred of all the Englifh, as well as of their own People'^ by former Wrongs; and diftrufting their own Ability to deal with them all at once, did at the laft by all fubtil Inlinuations, and Perfwaflons, try to make their Peace with the Narhaganfets, urging fuch Arguments as to right Reafon feemed not only pregnant to the Purpofe, but alfo (if Revenge that bewitching and pleafmg Paffion of Mans Mind hath not blinded their Eyes) moft cogent and invincible : But. they were by the good Pro- vidence of God witheld from embracing thofe
1" Capt. John Underbill pub- the Ouaintnefs of an old Soldier of
lifhed a moft interefting Hiftory of that Day. the Expedition of General Endicot,
which, like Gardener's, has been i"^ By " their own People " is
reprinted. It carries the Evidence meant the Narraganfets, fo lately
of Truthfulnefs with it, as well as Seccders from them.
1 6 A Narrative of the Troubles [121
Councels, which might otherwife have proved moft pernicious to the Delign of the EngUfh ; viz. That the EngHfh were Strangers, and began to overlpread the Country, the which would foon be pollelled by them to the depriving the ancient Inhabitants of their [121] Right, if they were not timely prevented ; and that the Narhaganfets would but make Way for their own Ruin, by helping to deftroy the Pequods ; for after them- felves were fubdued, it would not be long ere the Narhaganfets themfelves, would in the next Place be rooted out likewife: Whereas if they would but join together againft the Englifli, they could demonftrate how the Englifh might eafily either be deftroyed, or forced to leave the Country, and that without any Danger to themfelves : telling them alio, that they never need come to any open Battels, they might deftroy them only by firing their Houfes, and killing their Cattel, and lying in wait for them as they went out about their ordinary Occafions ; which Courfe if it were purfued, they laid, their new and unwelcome Neighbours could not long fubfill:, but would either be ftarved with Hunger and Cold or forced to forfake the Country. Machiavcl''^ himfelf^ if he had fat in Counfel with them could not have infinuated ftronger Reafons to have perfwaded them to a Peace.
'•' Nicholas Machiavc], celebrated his argumentative Powers, perhaps,
for his Hiftory of Florence, or, as he was for the Abfurdity of the
The Florentine Hiftory, as the Title Dodtrinc which he maintained in
runs. He was not fo famous for his Book called The Pri?ue.
1 2 1 ] with the Indians in New- England. 1 7
It is faid, that fo much Reafon was appre- hended in thefe Motives, that the Narhaganfets were once wavering, and were ahnoft perfwaded to have granted an Ear to their Advice and Per- fwalion, and joyned all againft the Englifli ; but when they conlidered what an Advantage they had put into their Hands by the Strength and Favour of the Englifh, to take a full Revenge of all their former Injuries upon their inveterate Enemies : the Thought of that was fo fweet, that it turned the Scale againft all other Confiderations what- foever.-°
The Report of the unheard of Cruelties fore- mentioned, filling the Ears of the Englifti throughout the Country ; it was agreed by the joynt Confent of the Englifh throughout the three Colonies, to unite all their Forces together, for the fuppreffing the common Enemy, early in the Spring Anno 1637, who were alfo moved thereunto by their own Neceffities, as well as by the earneft Requeft of their Friends at Conne5ii-
Cllt.
Thofe of Plimouth, being written unto by the Governour of the Majj'achufets^ appeared very cordially willing thereunto :-' to which End they
•^ ' The Scale of War or Peace at this Time. It may not have been
thus fearfully balancing and trem- known to the Author, but it was
bling, as here reprcfented, is true to well known to Winthrop, one of
the Letter ; but, it is alfo now known his chief Authorities.
to be equally true, that Roger Wil- -^ This Statement is hardly borne
liams prevented the Alliance be- out by certain original Documents
tween the Pequots and Narraganfets in my pofleffion.
1 8 A Narrative of the T'ronhles [122
agreed to fend lifty Men at their own Charge, with as much fpeed as the Matter required, with lutiicient Leaders appointed, and a Bark provided to carry them Provilions, and tend upon them on all Occafions ; but before they could be difpatched away the next Spring, News was brought that the Enemy was wholly routed, fo as their Journey was flopped, and their good Will accepted for the Deed, as if they really had been there to have born their Part in the Service ; their Non-ap- pearance in Time and Place being not to be imputed to any Backwardnefs in their [122] Minds ; but to their too late Invitation to the Ser- vice ; the Motion fe'tching a large Compafs from Comiediicut down to the Majfachufets, from whom in the lalf Place they were folicited thereunto. And for the other two Colonies, thofe of Con- neSliciit being quickned on by the Spur of Ne- ceffity, and prefent Senfe of the Infolency daily adted at their veryDoors, were fooneft upon their March, and by the good Hand of God upon them, had given the main Stroak before their Friends of the Af^zr^/z/f/j- could come up with them; yet was there no repining for the Want of the Glory of the Victory, nor was there any Caufe, thofe that were the chief Ad:ors therein beino; forward to give God the Glory of the Whole, and not willing to pocket up anything thereof themfelves, acknowledging that they never faw more of God, or lefs of Man, in any bulinefs of that Nature, as may more fully be underftood by Particulars enfuing.
12 2] with the I?idians iii New-Kitgland, 1 9
The Colony of the Majfachufets determined to fend an hundred and lixty, of whom an hundred and twenty were ordered under the Condu6t of Capt. Patrick of Watertown^ and Capt. Trajk of Salem, Capt. Stoiighton of 'Dorchefter, being to comm.and in Chief; with whom was fent that holy Man of God Mr. John Wiljon (Paftor of one Church of BoJio?2) the Charets [Chariots ?] and Horfemen of our Ifraei, by whofe Faith and Prayer, as fometimes was faid of Luther (in re- ference to Germany) the Country was preferved, fo as it was confidently believed that no Enemy fliould break in upon a Place whilft he furvived, which as fome have obferved, accordingly came to pafs.
The Matter requiring great Expedition, and it being long before the whole Company could be difpatched away, Capt. Patrick with forty Men were fent away beforehand,^- to be fure to meet with thofe of ConneBicut, in Cafe they fliould be in Adlion, before the Reft of our Forces could get into a Readinefs, which accordingly came to pafs ; for the main Bufinefs in taking the Fort was over, even before the faid Patrick could get thither.^3 Capt. Vnderhil was fent by Mr. Vane
-- See Winthrop, /(?^r/?<-?/, i, 222. ure, it was found that fome of the
-3 " The March ot thofe from Officers, as well as of the private
Maffachufetts was retarded by the Soldiers, were ftill under a Cove-
moft fingular Caufe ihat ever in- nant of Works ; and that the Blef
fluenced the Operations of a mili- fing of Go., could not be implored
tary Fgrce. When they were or expcftcd to crown the Arms of
muftered previous to their Depart- fuch unhallowed Men with Succefs.
2 o A Narrative of the Troubles [123
the Governour to Saybrook, the Winter before, to ftrengthen the Garilbn there. The aflaulting and furprizing of which,--'- being the moll: Remarka- ble Peice of Service in that whole Expedition, take it as it was delivered in Writing by that valiant, faithful, and prudent Commander Capt. Majmiy Chief in the Adtion, who lived long after to reap the Fruit of his Labour, and enjoy the Benefit of that Day's Service, having an Inheri- tance given him in that Part of the Country, as a juft Reward of his faithful Service on that Day, as well as at other Times. JVequaJh,-^ a Pequod by Nation, but difgufted by the Sachim, proved a good Guide, by whofe Dire6lion they were [123] led to a Fort near Miftick River, fome Miles nearer than SaJJacous his Fort, which they firft intended to alTault.-^
On the fecond Wediiefday of May^ being the
The Alarm was general, and many -' The Pcquot Fort, and not the
Arrangements neceffkry in order to Garijon at Saybrook, as would na-
caft out the Unclean, and to render turally be inferred from the Con-
this little Band fufficiently pure to text, fight the Battles of a People who
entertained high Ideas of their own -' Of this Renegade, Roger Wil-
Sandity." Robertfon's America, liams gives no favorable Chiiradier.
Book X ; Neal's Hijiory of Nezv See Mather's Belatmi, 149; but
Englnvd, i, 184. The Date of m New England's Firft Fruits he
Patrick's March from BoRon is not is made a Saint of. See that
given by Winthrop, who had been Work, p. 5-7. fo much occupied in engineering at
the Eleftion, that he neglcded the -" This Account, purporting to
Dates to his Entries in his Journal, have been received from Captain
therefore how much Patrick was Mafon, was probably an Abllraft
delayed by the "Covenant of of what was afterwards publifhcd
Works '' is not known. as his Hiftory.
123] with the Indians i?i New- England. 2 1
tenth Day of that Month, we fet fail with ninety- Men of the Englifli in one Pink, one Pinnace, two Boats, towards the Peqiiods, with feventy ^\N^x- Indians. Having fonie what a long Palfage to Say brook Fort, about forty of our Indians delired to go down by Land on Saturday^ but on Monday they went forth from the Fort, and meeting feven Pequods and Ny antic Jzs, they Hew five out- right, took one Prifoner, and brought him into Saybroolz Fort, where he was executed by Capt. Underbill, the other efcaped.-^
On Monday we all landed at Say brook Fort, and flayed there till Teujday, Capt. Under hit joyning nineteen Men with himfelf to us: whereupon we fent back twenty of ours to ftrengthen our Plan- tations : and fo let fail on Thurjday towards Nar- haganfet, and arrived there on Friday.
On Saturday, myfelf, with Capt, Underhili, Lieutenant Sealy, with our Guard marched to Canonicus by Land, being about five Miles diftant, where we were kindly entertained after their Manner : having had Parley with him, we fent to Miantonimo who would give no prefent Anfwer ; and fo our Sabbath being on the Morrow, we ad- journed our meeting until Monday, at which Time there ailembled Miantonimo with the chiefeft of
-' One of the moft revolting Ex- Prince, it is faid that thofe Indians
ecutions on Record. The Name fell upon thirty or forty of the Ene-
of the SufFerer was Kijwas. See my near Saybrook Fort, and killed
Mather's Relation, id-]. In Ma- feven of them outright. This (in the
fon's Hillory as publilhed by Mr. Text) is the moft rational Account. C2
2 2 A Nar7'ative of the Troubles [124
them, about two hundred Men ; and being fo- lemnly let for Confultation after their Manner, we told them, we were now going, God affifting, to revenge the Wrong committed, and Bloodllied by their and our Enemies, upon our native Coun- try-men, not any Way deliring their Aid, unlefs they would voluntarily fend, "which they did ex- ceedingly approve of. Moreover we told them, that the Englilli and they had always been Friends for ought we knew, and fo we were with the /;/- dians that had not wronged Englifli-men, the which they acknowledged, and fo made a large Defcription of the Pequods Country, and told us, they would fend Men with us; fo we refolved there to keep our Rendezvouz at Canonicus his Plantation on the Morrow Night, being Teiifday : but the Wind being ftiff, we could not land our Men till five or fix of the Clock in the Afternoon, at which Time I landed on Narhaganfet Shore with thirty two Men, and fo marched to the Place of Rendezvouz formerly appointed : Capt. Underhil and my Lieutenant landed the Refi:, and fo came up to me that Night. About two Hours before Day came an IndiaJi with a Letter from Capt. Patrick,-^ being then at Mr. Ro. Williams his Plantation with forty Men, who defired us to fi:ay for his coming, and joyning, not [124] in- timating when that would be : the which being confidered and debated, we thought could not be
-■" Tliis Circumrtancc is not mentioned in Mafon's Narrative.
124] with the Indians in New-England. 2 3
our fafeft Courfe (though his prefent Affiftance was much defired) for thefe Reafons.
Firft, Becaufe the Day before when we had abfolutely refolved to go, the Indians plainly told us, they thought we were but in jeft, and alfo that EngliOi Men did talk much, but not fight :^9 Nay, they concluded that they would not go out : and befides if we fhould defer, we feared we lliould be difcovered by Reafon of the frequent Recourfe between them by certain Squaws (who have mutual Recourfe) : whereupon we were con- ftrained to fet forward toward the Pequods, with feventy feven Englifh, and about fixty River- Indians, and as I fuppofe near about two hundred Narhaganfets, and marched that Night to the Eaftern Nianticks, where we kept our Rendez- ^vouz that Night ; The Sachim of the Place adding about an hundred of his Men unto us.
We fet forward and marched about ten Miles, where making an Alta (or Halt) there we held a Confultation with the Indians that defired to know what we intended ? We told them that we refolved to Alfault Sajfacous his Fort, at which they were all fiiricken, and as it were amazed with Fear, as they plainly confelfed ; and fo after long Debate and prefiing of them, taxing them with Cowardize, fome of them refolved to go along with us, though I fuppofe they had no fuch Intent, as appeared afterward ; fome of them left
~3 " They had frequently de upon a Pequot, but themfelves would fpifed us, faying, we durll not look perform great Things." Mafon.
24 A Narrative of the T^rotibles [125
us, to the Number I fuppofe of an hundred or lefs ; and marching on five Miles further, we made another Alta, where they told us, we had near a dozen Miles to Sajfacous his Fort, as we gathered by their Relation : Being very weary in travelling with our Arms, Amunition and Pro- vilion, we were conftrained to alter our Refolu- tion, and refolved to attempt that Fort, the which they had formerly defcribed to be three or four Miles nearer ; and alio one of Captain Underhills Men failing, put it out of Doubt. But whofo- ever faith that Capt. Under hit had any falling out about that or any Thing elfe, doth fpeak Un- truth : for we both refolved to Saffacous his Fort, as we concluded in our Confultation at Ncu^ha- ganjet^ and fo continued our Refolution till we received the former Reafons as grounds fufficient to perfwade us to the Contrary, and to profecute that which was moft likely to be accomplifhed.
They drew a Plot of the Situation of the Pc- quods and defcribed SaJJacous his Fort to be the neareft, which was the chief Caufe we deter- mined to alfault that firft, and had no Reafon leading till our laft Alta, where upon the Rea- fons formerly mentioned, we changed our Refo- lution : this they much defired, and very much rejoyced ; for it was dreadful to them to hear the Name of SaJjacous.
[125] From thence we marched two or three Miles where we kept our Rendezvouz, fuppofing we had been within one Mile of the Fort : They
125] with the Indians in New-England. 2 5
having fent an Indian to difcover before-hand, brought us News that they were fecure, having been fifliing with many Canooes at Sea, and Divers of them walking here and there.3°
About two Hours before Day we marched to- ward the Fort, being weary and much fpent ; many of us having llept nothing at all.
And fo we. began to march toward the Fort, the Lord being pleafed wonderfully to affift and encourage us. After a tedious March of three or four Miles, about Break of Day we came Fair in View of the Fort, {landing on the Top of an Hill, not fteep, the Indians all falling back, were fud- denly vanillied out of Sight : fo we made an Alta, and fent back for our Guide, who had promifed to go with us to the Fort; but his Heart we faw much failed him. We afked him what they intended who promized to wing us, and to furround the Fort ? He told us they were much afraid ; but he feeing our Refolution, went to them and prevailed with Divers of them to come up to us. We told them their beft Courfe would be to flank the Fort on both Sides, and having no Time longer to confer, we pro- ceeded. Capt. Underhil to the Weftern Entrance with one Diviiion, my felf with the other to the Eaftern, as lilently as poffibly we could; fo it pleafed God we came up with the Pallifado within two Rod, before we were difcovered ; at
'"0 This brings us to the Night of the 25th of May.
26 A Narrative of the Troubles [125
which Time a Dog began to bark, and an Indian cried out,^' but not being myfelf rightly informed by the Indian Guide of the right Entrance, though there was a little poftern Door, the which I had thought to have attempted to break down with my Foot ; but the Lord dire6led me otherwife for the better ; for I then feared we could not there enter with our Arms, which proved true ; fo I fuddenly hafted to the Pallifado, and putting in the Muzzle of my Peice, difcharged upon them, and fo the Reft, with all Celerity ; and fuddenly haftned on toward that Side which ftood toward the Water ; where I concluded was an Entrance and inftantly fell upon it, being only barred with two great forked Boughs, or Branches of fome Tree, and hafting over them, I drew one after me, my Lieutenant, the other Way out- ward. Then we fuddenly fell upon the Wigwams : the Indians cryed out in moft hideous Manner, fome ilfuing out of the Wigwams, ftiooting at us defperately, and fo creeping under Beds that they had. We had refolved a while not to have burned it ; but being we could not come at them, I then refolved to let it on Fire, after Divers of them were llain, and fome of our Men fore wounded : So entring one of their Wigwams, I took a Fire-brand, \^at which Time an Indian drawing an Arrow had killed him^ but one Davis
■•'The Cry was, " Ozvatmx .' " IVavux !" in Allvn's Trivijcript, Owaniix l" which is " Engliflinicn ! Mather's Relation ; "' Wannocks ! " Englifliir.en!'' Malbn's Hijlory. in the Anonymous Account. Il>id^
12 6] with the hidians in New-England. 2 7
his Serjeant cut the [126] Bow-Jiring with his Court- lace'^^ and fuddenly kindled a Fire in the Mats wherewith they were covered, and fell to a Re- treat, and furrounded the Fort. The Fire encreafing violently, infomuch as that they were conftrained to climb to the Top of the Pallifadoe, from whence they were foon fecht down, I fup- pofe to the Number of an hundred and forty. Many of them ilTuing forth were fuddenly flain, either by the Englifli or Indians, who were in a Ring without us. All being difpatched and ended in the Space of an Hour ; having two of our Men llain, and fixteen wounded. ^^
Being very hot and dry, we could very hardly procure any Water, where we continued one Hour not knowing what Courfe to take, or which way to go, our Pinnaces not being come in, nei- ther did we know how far^, or which way to go to them ; our Interpreter being an Indian, and they [the Indians] fo hurried and diftra(5ted with a few hurt Men, but chiefly, as I conceive, with Fear of the Enemy, who fuddenly approached, that we could hardly come to fpeak with him [the Interpreter,] who knew nothing what they intended. But the Enemy approaching, they be- gan to cleave unto us, and I verily think they durfl: not leave us.
•'5'- This is the Author's Interpo- the Pequot Fort was on the Morn- lation. Mafon docs not refer to it ing of Friday, May 26th. Win- in his Hiftory, though he mentions throp records the Information he Serjeant Davis. received rcfpeding it in his Journal,
^■^ The Fight and Capture of i, 225.
2 8 A Narrative of the Troubles [126
Our Pinnaces then coming in View with a fair Gale, being guided as it were to ferve our Neceffity by the good Hand of God, which I think was never more eminently feen in a Mat- ter of like Moment, and lefs of Men in feveral Paffages. Then we fet our Men in order, and prepared for fight and began to march toward the Harbour where the Pinnaces were to ride : The Enemy approaching, Capt. Under hil with divers Indiajis and certain Englifh ifiued out to encounter them, but they would not ftand to it ; for the moft Part they lay behind Rocks, Trees and Buflies. We marched on they liill dodging of us ; fometimes defperately hazarding them- felves in open Field, where fome of them were llain in open View, and as we hear, many wound- ed . I was fomewhat cautelous in beftowing many Shot upon them needlelHy, becaufe I ex- pelled a ftrong Oppofition ; and thus they con- tinued to follow us till we came within two Miles of our Pinnaces, where they wholly left us, which was near fix Miles as I conceive, having then about two Miles more to the River.
Four of our wounded Men we were forced to carry ourfelves, while at length we hired the Indians to bear them, both in this and all their following Enterprifes againfi: the PequodsS^^
■■^'"Foiir or five of our Men that were wounded, to others : So
were fo wounded tliat they nuift be that we Iiad not above forty Men
carried, with the Arms of twenty free. At length we hired feveral
more. We alfo being faint, were Indians, who cafcd us of that Bur-
conftraincd to put four to one then in carrying our wounded
Man, with the Arms of tlic rcil Men." Mnjon.
127] with the Indians in New-England, 29
Here Note that one Wequajh''^ a Fequod fell from his Country-men, and proved a Guide to the Englifh.
This Service being thus happily accompliflied by thefe few Hands that [127] came from Con- neBicut, w^ithin a while after the Forces fent from the Majfachufets under the Condudt of Captain Stoughtoji''^ as Commander in Chief arriv- ed there alfo, who found a great Part of the Work done to their Hands in the furprizal of the Pequods Fort, as aforefaid, which yet was but the breaking of the Neft, and unkenneling thofe falvage Wolves; for the Body of them, with Sajfacous the chief Sachim (whofe very Name was a Terrour to all the Narhaganfets) were dif- perfed abroad and fcattered all over their Country ; yet fo far difmayed, that they never durft make any AfTault upon the Englifh, that in feveral Parties were fcattered about in Purfuit of them.
It was not long after Capt. Stoughtons Soldiers came up, before News was brought of a great Number of the Enemy, that were difcovered by the Side of a River up the Country, being firft
35 The fame before noticed. See lonel by the Parliament and fought
Note 470. under Cromwell. He did not re-
S'UfraelStoughton ofDorchefter, turn to New England. A Letter
the Father of Governor William from him while in this Expedition
Stoughton. When the Civil War againft the Pequots may be feen in
broke out in England, he, with the Jppendix to Mather's Relation,
feveral other prominent New Eng- 285. &c. ; and another, feveral
land Men returned to that Country Weeks later, .in the Jppendix to
and took part in the War. Capt. Winthrop's Journal, i, 399, and an-
Stouehton was commifhoncd a Co- other in Hutchinfon's Papers, 61-3.
D
3 o A Narrative of the Troubles [127
trepanned by the Narhaganfets, under Pretence of fecuring [proted;ing] them, but they were truly hemmed in by them, though at a Diftance, yet lb as they could not, or durft not flir from the Place, by which Means our Forces of the Majjachiifets had an ealie Conqueft of fome hun- dreds of them, who were there couped up as in a Pound ; not daring to fight, not able to fly away, and fo were all taken without any Oppofi- tion : The Men among them to the Number of thirty were turned prefently into Charons Ferry- boat, under the Command of Skipper Gallop, who difpatched them a little without the Harbour.37 The Females and Children were difpofed of ac- cording to the Will of the Conquerors ; fome being given to the Narhaganfets and other Indians that aflifted in the Service.
The reft of the Enemy being firft fired out of their ftrong Hold, were taken and deftroyed, a great Number of them being feized in the Places where they intended to have hid themfelves, the reft fled out of their own Country over Connecti- cut River, up towards the Dutch Plantation. Our Soldiers being refolved, by Gods Afliftance, to make a final Deftruftion of them, were minded
•^"To reflcdl; upon this and kin- Veffcl from the Indians at ManifTes, drcd Ads is no agreeable Talk to after a ceiperatc Fight, in 1636. the Annotator. To be compelled He was a prominent Man in Con- to review them partakes fomething nciSticut, and had a Son, alfo named of the Nature of witnefTmg them. John, a Captain in Philip's War, The Skipper Gallop here mention- and was killed at the Narraganfet cd was the lame Capt. John Gallop Fort Fight, Dec 19th, 1675. See who recaptured Capt. Oldham's Mifs Caulkin's, Hijl, Nezv Londo?i.
12 8] with the Indians in N ew-E?rgland , 3 1
to purfue them which way foever they fhould think to make their Efcape ; to which End in the next Place, our Soldiers went by Water towards New-Haven, whither they heard (and which in Reafon was moft likely) they bent their Courfe : Soon after they were informed of a great Number of them that had betaken them- felves to a neighbouring Place not far of, whither they might Hope it was not like they fliould be purfued ; but upon Search they found fifty or fixty Wigwams, but without any Indians in any of them, but heard that, they had palled along toward the Dutch Plantation ; whereupon our Soldiers that were before, all embarked for ^il- lepiacky afterwards called New- Haven, and be- ing landed there, they had not far [128J to march unto the Place where it was moft proba- ble they ftiould either find or hear of them. Accordingly in their March they met here and there with fundry of them, whom they flew or took Prifoners ; amongft whom were two Sa- chims, whom they prefently beheaded. To a third, that was either a Sachim or near a kin to one, they gave his Life upon Condition that he fhould go and enquire where SaJ/acous was, and accordingly bring them Word. This Indian, overlooking all other national or natural Obliga- tions, in Confideration of his Life that was re- ceived on that Condition, proved very True and Faithful to thofe that fent him. His Order was to have returned in three Days, but not being able
32 A Narrative of the "Troubles [128
within fo fhort a Time to make a full Difcovery of the Bulinefs, and alfo find an handfome Way to efcape, he made it eight Days before he re- turned, in which fomething fell out not a little remarkable; for thofe he was fent to difcover, fufpe6ling at the laft by his withdrawing himfelf that he came for a Spye, purfued after him ; fo he was forced to fly for his Life, and getting down to the Sea-fide, he accidentally met with a Canooe a little before turned adrift, by which Means he padled by fome fhift or other fo far out of the Harbour, that making a Sign he was difcerned of fome on board of one of the Velfels that attended on our Soldiers, by whom being taken up, he made known what he had difcover- ed : But after he was gone, SaJJacoiis fufpediing (and not without jufi: Caufe) what the Matter was, made his Efcape from the Refi: with twenty or thirty of his Men, to the Moha%vks, by whom himfelf and they were all murthered afterward, being hired thereunto by the Narhaganfets, as was confidently afiirmed and believed.
Thus this treacherous and cruel Villian with his Companions, having againfi; his Faith and Promife, as well as contrary to the Laws of Nature and Na- tions, murthered feveral others, both of the Dutch and Englifh Nation, is in the fame Manner him- felf againft the Laws of Hofpitality murthered by thofe to whom he fled for Refuge; Vengeance is mine, faith the Lord, I ns)ill repay it.
It is worthy our Obfervation, that this SaJJa- coiis the chief Sachim of the Pequods, as Philip of
129] W///6 the Indians in New-England, '^1^
Mount-Hope^ (both of them in their feveral Times and Places the contrivers of many bloody and cruel Mifchiefs, yet) efcaped the Hands of thefe whom they had fo many Ways provoked to the utmoft Degree of Indignation, that fo they might not too much gratifie their own Spirits in taking Revenge ; but it muft be brought about by thofe Means, in which the Glory of Divine Vengeance and Juftice lliall more eminently fhine forth that it might be truly faid of them as Adotiibezek, confelfed of himfelf. As I have done, fo God hath [129] requited me. But to return.
The reft of the Pequods from whom Sajfacous had made an Efcape, fliifted every one for him- felf, leaving but three or four behind them, (when a Party of our Soldiers according to the Direction of him that was fent as a Spy came upon the Place) who would not or could not tell them whither their Company were fled ; but our Sol- diers ranging up and down as Providence guided them, at the laft, July 13. 1637, they lighted upon a great Number of them, they purfued in [to] a fmall Indian Town, feated by the Side of an hideous Swamp (near the Place where Fairfield or Stratford now ftand) into which they all flipt, as well Pequods as Natives of the Place, before our Men could make any Shot upon them, having placed a Centinel to give warning. Mr. Ludlow^'^ and Capt. Mafon with half a Score of their Men hapned to difcover this Crew. Capt. Patrick and Capt. 'Trafz with about
3S Mr. Roger Ludlow. He had recently removed to Connefticut.
34 A Narrative of the Troiihks [_I29
an hundred of the Majfachufet Forces came in upon them prefently after the Alarm was given. Such Commanders as firfl: hapned to be there, gave fpecial Order that the Swamp fliould be fur- rounded (being about a Mile in Compafs) but Lieutenant Davenport ^'^"^ belonging to Capt. Trajk his Company, not hearing the Word of Command, with a dozen more of his Company in an over- eager Purfuit of the Enemy, ruflied immediately into the Swamp, where they were very rudely entertained by thofe Evening Wolves that were newly kennelled therein ; for Lieut. Davenport was forely wounded in the Body, yolm Wedgivood of Ipfwich in the Belly, and was laid hold on alfo by fome of the Indians. Thomas Sher?na?i^° of the faid Ipjkvich, in the Neck ; fome of their Neigh- bours that ventured in with them were in Danger of the Enemies Arrows, that flew thick about them, others were in as much Hazard of being fwallowed by the miery Bogs of the Swamp, wherein they Ituck lb faft, that if Sergeant Riggs of Roxbury had not refcued two or three of them, they had fallen into the Hands of the Enemy; but fuch was the Strength and Courage of thofe that came to the Refcue, that fome of the Indians being llain with their Swords, their Friends were
•'^ Afterwards Capt. Richard Da- Fort Fight was his Son. vcnport, of the CalUe in Bollon '" Perhaps the fame whofe Name
Harbor, where he was killed by we find in a Liil of I'afTcngers who
Lightning, July 15th, 1665, at the fhippcd for Barbadocs from Eng-
Age of 59. Captain Nathaniel land, in February, 1634-5. See
Davenport killed at the Narraganfet Founders of N civ England, loi.
130] with the Indians in New-England, 3 5
quickly relieved, and drawn out of the Mire and Danger.
But the Indians of the Place, who had for Company fake run with their Guefls the Peqjwds into the Swamp, did not love their Friendfhip fo well as to be killed with them alfo for Company fake; wherefore they began to bethink them- felves that they had done no Wrong to the Eng- lifh, and defired a Parley, which was granted ; and prefently underftood by the Means of Thomas StantoUy an exad; Interpreter then at Hand, upon which the Sachim of the Place with feveral others, their Wives and Children, that liked bet- ter to live quietly in their Wigwams than be buried in the Swamp, came forth and had their Lives granted them : After [130] fome Time of further Parley with thefe, the Interpreter was fent in to offer the like Terms to the Reft, but they were poftefed with fuch a Spirit of Stupidity and Sullennefs, that they refolved rather to fell thair Lives for what they could get there ; and to that End began to let fly their Arrows thick againft him, as intending to make his Blood fome Part of the Price of their own ; but through the Goodnefs of God toward him, his Life was not to be fold on that Account, he being prefently fetched off.
By this Time, Night drawing on, our Com- manders perceiving on which Side of the Swamp the Enemies were lodged, gave Order to cut through the Swamp, with their Swords, that they might the better hem them round in one Corner,
36 A Narrative of the 'Troubles [130
which was prefently done, and fo they were be- girt in all Night ; the Engliili in the Circumfer- ence plying them with Shot all the Time, by which Means many of them were killed and buried in the Mire, as they found the next Day. The Swamp by the forementioned Device being reduced to fo narrow a Compafs, that our Soldiers, flanding at twelve Foot Diftance, could furround it, the Enemy was kept in all the Night : but a little before Day-break (by Reafon of the Fog that ufeth to arife about that Time, obferved to be the darkefl: Time of the Night) twenty or thirty of the luftieft of the Enemy brake through the Beiiegers, and efcaped away into the Woods; fome by Violence and fome by ftealth, dropping away; fome of whom notwithftanding were killed in the Purfuit ; the Reft were left to the Mercy of the Conquerors, of which many were killed in the Swamp like fullen Dogs, that would rather in their Self-willednefs and Madnefs lit ftill to be iliot through or cut in Peices, than receive their Lives for the afking at the Hand of thofe into whofe Power they were now fallen. Some that are yet living and worthy of Credit do affirm, that in the Morning entring into the Swamp, they law feveral Heaps of them fitting clofe together, upon whom they difcharged their Peices laden with ten or twelve Piftol-bullets at a Time, puting the Muzles of their Peices under the Boughs within a few Yards of them ; fo as befides thofe that were found Dead (near twenty) it was judged that many more were killed and funk into the
131] with the Ijidians in New-Rn gland. 3 7
Mire, and never were minded more by Friend or Fo : Of thofe who were not fo defperate or fal- len to fell their Lives for Nothing, but yeilded in Time, the male Children were fent to the Ber- jniidas ; of the Females, fome were diftributed to the Englifh Towns, fome were difpofed of among the other hidians, to whom they were deadly Enemies as well as to ourfelves.
This Overthrow given to the Peqiwds ftruck fuch a Terror into all the Indians in thofe Parts (fome of 'whom had been ill-affeded to the Eng- lifh before) that they fought our Friendship, and tendered themfelves to be un[i3i]der our Pro- tediion, which they then obtained, and have never fmce forfeited it, any of them, till this late Re- bellion of Philips the Subje6t of the Difcourfe foregoing. Amongfl: the Reft of the Prifoners, fpecial Notice was taken of the Wife of a noted Indian called Mononotfo, who with her Children fubmitted her felf, or by the Chance of the War fell into the Hands of the Englifh : it was known to be by her Mediation that two Englifh Maids (that were taken away from Wet hers fie Id upon ConneBicut River) were faved from Death, in re- quital of whofe Pity and Humanity, the Life of her felf and her Children was not only granted her, but llie was in fpecial recommended to the Care of that honourable Gentlemen Mr. 'John Wint/irop, for that Time being the worthy Gov- ernour of the Maffdchujets ; who taking Notice of her model!: Countenance and Behaviour, as E2
38 A Narrative of the Troubles [131
well as of her only Requeft (not to fuffer Wrong either as to the Honour of her Body, or Fruit of her Womb) gave fpecial Charge concerning her according to his noble and Chriftian Difpolition.
After this Slaughter at the Swamp, the Pequods being upon every Turn expofed to Revenge of the Mohegins on one Side, and Narhaganjets on the other, chofe rather to fubmit themfelves to the Englifli, by whom they were put, fome under the Mohtgins, and fome under the Narhaganfets^ which at laft proved the Occalion of the prefent Quarrel, as is conceived, through the Ambition of Mianton'wio, as was at firft related.
This was the IlTue of the Pequod War, which in the Day of it here in New-England was then as formidable to the Country in general as the prefent War with Philip; the Experience of which, becaufe it may adminifter much matter of Comfort and Encouragement to the furviving Generation, as well as of Praife and Thankfgiving to Almighty God from all thofe who have thus long quietly enjoyed the Benefit, and reaped the Fruit of their Labour, and Courage, who engaged therein, the more Pains hath been taken to fearch out the broken Peices of that Story, and thus put them together before the Memory thereof was buried in the Ruins of Time, and paft the Recovery and Knowledge of the prefent Age ; the which though it be here in the lafl: Place recorded, ihould in the firft be remem- bered.
i] with the Indians in New-England. 39
[i]'^' A Table flieiving the Towns and Places which are Inhabited by the E?jgliflj in New -England; thofe that are jnarked with Figures^ as well as exprejfed by their Names, are fuch as were aJJ'ault- ed by the Indians, during the late awful devolu- tions of Provide?ice.
Numb, i/- Mount-hope. A gallant Neck of Land where Philip dwelt, who firft began the Infurreftion againft the Englifh fun. 24, 1675.
2. The Place where ftands the Town of Swanzy confifting of forty Dwelling-houfes, moft of them very fair Buildings, juft at the Entrance on to Mount-hope, where were (June 24, 1675.) flain fix Men at Bourn s Garifon, in Metapoifet (another Neck marked* not far from the former) and three wounded as they came from the publick Meeting, two kill'd that went for the Surgeon : and a Negro of Mr. Mile's wounded, fo as he died foon after. Alfo Layton Archer and his Son were flain, fune 25, which three belonged to Road- Ifland, but were kiled at the Fall-River, though by Mifinformation it is elfewhere publifhed that it was done fime 24.'^^ Alfo eighteen Houfes were burnt within Mount-hope, that belonged to Swanzy Town ; the Reft of the Town being all burned the next Year, fune 16, 1676, fave fix
41 There is no Paging to this Ta- above, have reference alfo to the
ble in the Original. Map.
42 The 1^ umbers, befides denot- 4 ' See Dr. I. Mather, Brief Hij-
ing as mentioned in the Heading tor^, 221.
40 A Narrative of the T'roiibles [i
Houfes that are yet ftanding : belides the bar- barous Murther of Mr. Hezekiah Willet, 'June 26, 1 676.++
3. Mid die borough, formerly called Namajket, where Saufaman was llain : It is fcituate between Plimouth and Taunton and is mifplaced in the Map. Here one J. Marks was walking in a Field of Indian-corn, in July 1675, had his Thigh-bone broke by a Shot from an Indian; after which he lay forty-eight Hours before he was found, and yet was alive, but his Wound was fo putrified, that he died thereof When the Town was firfl: alTaulted, the Miller running back to Ihut down his Mill, was alfaulted by feven In- dians at one Time, by eleven at another ; had feveral Bullets fliot through his Coat, yet gat fafe to the Garifon ; but the People were forced to retire to Plimouth with their Goods foon after, when the whole Village was deftroyed by the Indians.'^'^
■11 See ISlote 379, ante, page 240. Danfon, his Neighbor, was fhot on
45 Some Traditions refpcfting the his Horfe and killed, as he was
Affairs in Middleborough in the letting his Horfe drink at a Brook,
Time of Philip's War, were gath- while making his Efcape to a Gar-
ered among the Inhabitants of that rifon, at or near what is fince
Town, and printed in the Notes to called the Four Corners." There
Church's Entertaining Ilijiory, is an Extraft from a Letter of this
(1827.) There is an additional Tra- John Thomfon, in Davis's Edition
dition in the Thomjon Genealogy, of Morton's Memorial, Page 430,
pages 7 and 8, to this cfFed : " The dated July 10th, which, doubtlcfs,
Houfe of John Thomfon was burnt fixes the Time of the Tranlaftions
by the Indians on a certain Even- alluded to in the Genealogy. The
ing. On the lame Evening a Mr. Letter is addrcfTed to Gov. Win-
ii] with the Indians in New-England. 4 1
4. Dartmouth, where in yune 1676,"^^ a Man and a Woman were llain by the Indians ; another Woman was wounded and taken ; but becaufe {lie had kept an Indians Child before, fo much Kindnefs was fhewed her, as that fhe was fent back, after they had drelTed her Wound ; the In- dians gaurded her till fhe came within Sight of the Engliih.
5. Seaconke or Rehoboth, where were burned eight Farm-houfes in the End of June, and Be- ginning of July 1675. On March 28, 1676, forty [11] five Dwelling Houfes were there burned, whereof thirty eight were inhabited, and the Owners thereby turned out of Doors, and left without Houfe or Harbour. Befide twenty- one Barns, two Corn-mills, one Saw-mill burnt
flow at Plymouth, from which it appears that the Town's Court of Guard was ftationed in a Mill, and were not ftrong enough to aft on the OfFenfive, and hence the In- dians Iwept around and fct fire to moft of the Houfes. " Towards Night,'' fays Thomfon (or as Mr. Davis has his Name, Tonifori) ' they returned to the Top of Tifpaquin's Hill [on the oppofite Side of the Ncmafket from the Four Corners] with great Triumph and Rejoicing, with a Shout. But we firing our long Gun at them, they fpeedily went away.' Whether the Perfon killed were a Mr. Dawjon or a Mr. Dan/on, I have not afcertained. In
the Plymouth Colony Records, vi, 70, mention is made of George Dan/on, 1673. In ibid. Vol. V, 156, " CJeorge Danjon of Middle- berry, for doeing feruill worke on the Lord's Day, fined 40 Shillings." -""'Should be 1675. See Mather, Brief llijlory, 61, 252, and Note 395, ante, I had hoped to find fome Account of thefe early Affairs in a Cent:.'nnial Work lately ifTued at New Bedford, but looked only to be difappointed. The Work is entitled, Old Dartmouth Centennial Celebration, but a more appro- priate Title would have been. The Celebration of New Dartmouth, or rather. New Bedford.
42 A Narrative of the Troubles [ii
at the fame Time. ^U7ie i6, 1676, eight Farm- houfes were there alfo confumed by the Fire of the Enemy. The Perfons llain here were feven, four with Capt. Fierce^ March 26, 1676, another March 28, another Apr. 28, the laft, May 29.^^
6. PocaJJety where were fome Houfes burned July 1675, and feven or eight flain in the Swamp near the Place : here alfo Capt. Church gave the Enemy a notable Defeat the fame Month.'^^
7. TauntoUy where were fifteen Perfons flain by the Indians ; eleven Men, two Maids, and two Youths : befides a Man flain in the Fight with Capt. Beers; fome in the Year 1675, and fome i6j6, pag. 25, 26.^9
7. Mendam, where were the firft Englifli flain within the Majfachufets Colony, to the Number of five' or fix, July 1675, within a few months
•i'The Hiftorian of Rehoboth March, 1677, three Indians were
could not profit by the Information arraigned at Plymouth " for mur-
here given, as he ufed a modern dering John Knowles, John Tildall,
Copy of Hubbard which did not Sen., and Samuel Atkins." Their
contain it. See No. 20, of this Names were " Timothy Jacked,
Table. alias Canjuncke, Naffamaquat, and
■'^ The " Houfes burnt in July, Pompacanfhe." The Verdift of
1675," may refer to thofe burnt in the Jury was, " We find they are
Dartmouth ; but I do not find any- very fufpifious of the Murder
thing correfponding to it in other charged on them,'' that is, the two
Accounts. fiirt named. " And in reference
I" No Data will be found at the vnto Pompacanfhe, wee find no- Pages referred to for the above thing againll him." However, they Statement. Taunton covered a were all " centanced to be fent out large Territory then, and the Author of the Country fpeedily." Pompa- has given the Aggregate of the flain canfhe was included, " as hee is a on all Parts thereof, probably. In Prifoner taken inWarr."
ii] with the Indians in New-England. 4.3
after the whole Village was deftroyed, pag. 26, 27, 31.
9. Brookefieldj or Squaboagwz.^ deftroyed by the Indians Aug. 2, 1675. whereof the cheif Inhabi- tants, ^'/^. 'John Eires^ John Pritchet, and Rich. Coy, treacheroully flain under pretence of a Treaty, pag. 32, 33.5°
10. Dee?'Jield OY Pocumptuck, a Village newly planted, where Sep. 12. 1675, Divers were (lain, and the Houfes burned by the Enemy. Between this Place and Northa?nptbn was a Skirmifli with the Enemy 1675, eight or nine of the Englifli were there llain, and twenty fix of the Enemy. Near unto this Place was Captain Lothrop fet upon with feven or eight hundred Indians, where- by himfelf, and moft of his foldiers, to the Num- ber of feventy three, were cut off, Sept. 18, 1675, pag. 36, 37, 38, 39. The Fight at the Falls, a little beyond T)eerjield, pag. 91. It is Confidera- ble that the Evening before Capt. Tufner and Capt Holioke gave the Enemy a Camizado in the Wigwams, they had been feafting and dancing, having before they laid down to lleep, filled their Bellies with fome new Milk, (as an Englifli Wo- man then in their Hands, did declare, who wasmade
5" " There were then flain to our drack Hapgood of Sudbury, Ser-
great Grief, eight Men, namely, jeant Eyres, [[ohn Ayres] Serjeant
Zechariah Phillips of Bofton, Ti- [Jofephj Prichard, and Corporal
mothy Farlow [Farley] ofBillerica, [John) Coy." Wheeler's Narra-
Edward Coleborn of Chelmsford, five, in Foot's Wejl Brookfield Dif-
Samuel Smedly of Concord, Sy- courje, 35.
44- A Narrative of theTj^oubles [in
-• to milk Hatfield Cows, which a Day or two be- fore they had driven away.) So that when they were moft fecure, Deftrud:ion came upon a great Part of them, to the Number of three hundred and fifty, as was judged by fuch as were there, vide pag. 91.
1 1 . Sqiiakheag^ \ Northfield 1 another Village newly begun, which was alfo deftroyed Sept. 1675, near unto this Place Capt. Beers was llain, and nineteen of his Men, as they went to relieve the Garifon there, pag 37.
12. Springfield, which was treacheroufly af-- faulted OftolD. 5, 1675 by [iii] three or four hundred Indians, when L[ieutenant] Cooper and two more were ilain, and thirty five Houfes burned with other Buildings belonging there- unto. Some others were there llain in the Winter following, Pag. 41. Within a few Miles of this Place Capt. Samuel Holioke handfeled his Office with the Slaughter of four or five of the Enemy. Three or four were here flain the Winter following.
13. Hatfield, a fmall Town feated on the Well- fide of ConneBiciit River, over againfi: Hadly, which was furioufly afiaulted by feven hundred Indians, OBoh. 19, 1675, yet was the Place preferved by the Valour of the Engliili with the Lofs but of one Man, Serj. Norton by Name Pag. 42, although feven or eight of the Scouts were that Day furpriled and fiain by the Enemy, and one or two of the Town. It was
Ill] with the Indians ijt New-England. 45
alTaulted alfo 1676, when five Men were flain that came to their Relief from Hadly^ P^S- 93-
14. Northampton^ a fair Town three or four Miles diftant from Hatfield, which was feveral Times alTaulted by the Enemy, yet was preferved with the Lofs but of a Few of the People and the burning of i^N^n or eight of the Houfes thereof, Fage A,A,, jj.
15. Hadly, a confiderable Town on the Eaft- fide of ConneBicut River, violently afiaulted by the Enemy, yet no confiderable Hurt done, yune 12, 1676,51 only fome Few were furprifed and fiain, Pag. 94, that without Order would venture without the Pallifadoes. In the March) before, one Goodman^ Deacon of the Church, was flain at Hoccanum, belonging to Hadly, and two more that went againft Order and Command to the Top of Mount Holioke.
16. fVeftfield, a fmall Town feven Miles Wefi:
^^ It is fince well known that is known to me, was Governor General William GofFe, one of the Hutchinfon, who tells us it was Signers of the Death Warrant of handed down through Governor Charles I, lived fecreted many Leverett's Family. See Hijiory of Years in Hadley. In an Attack on Maj[fachujetts,\, 219, ift Edition, the Town fometime during this (1764). The next Author who War by the Indians, he is faid to fpeaks of it is that ubiquitous Sin- have faved the Place by fuddenly gularity Ifaac BickerftafF, Efq., in his appearing among the frightened Almanack for the Year 1769. He People, and routing the Indians, probably took his Account from The Date of this Event is uncertain, Hutchinfon. Then Prefident Stiles but is fuppofed to have been on has it fomewhat enlarged and em- Se|jteinber the ift, 1675. The belliflied, in his Hijiory of the iirll to publiih the Story, fo far as Judges, 109 F2
46 A Narrative of the Troubles [iii
from Springfield, where fome few Houfes were burned before, or in the Winter, 1675, and three or fourPerfons ilain, as they palfed toward Spring- field, Fag. 44.
17. A Village called ^onfigo7nog in the middle Way between Marlborough and ^labaog, con- fifting of about lix or feven Houfes.
18. yer. Bulls, Garifon-houfe at Fettiqiiemfcot, furprifed, and fundry Perfons flain ; a very great Damage to the Delign then in Hand againft Narhaganfet Fort, 5- Pag. 50, 51.
19. Canonicus Fort taken by the Forces of the three Colonies, Decemb. 19, 1675, though with the Lofs of many of the Engliili, feventy nine being Ilain right out, an about an hundred wounded ; of the Enemy were Ilain by the Con- feffion of fome Prifoners about three hundred of their beft Men ; though Ninicrafts Men who buried the Dead there left, fpeak not of a third Part fo many,53 Pag. 51, 52.
20. Warwick, a Town near Providence, feated upon a Neck of Land, environed by the Sea, was all of it burned by the Enemy at feveral Times,
■''- See Mather's Brief Jlijiory, Englifh, and that his Men have
105-6. buried the EngliOi that were flain at
•J-' While Major Bradford, who the Fort, which were about twenty- was wounded in the Narraganfet four, and defires for every one he Swamp Fight of Dec. 19th, 1675, buried a Charge of Powder. He lay at Newport on Rhode Ifland, he certifieth alfo of the Enemy's wrote to the Rev. Mr. Cotton at Flight." " Ninigret and his Ny- Plymouth : " Ninicraft has fcnt antick Subjefls dwelt from Point down divers McfTcngers to the Judith up to Wcftcrly.'' Backus, General, pretending Love to the lIijloryofNczvE?iglti)id,\,^T,j.
iv] with the Indians in New-E?igland. 47
[iv] the chief Mifchief there done was upon March 16, 1676, and the Place wholly deferted by the Inhabitants for a Time, yet but one Man killed, that was too confident of his Safety, as is faid.54
Providence is the Town next Warwick^ where were eighteen Houfes burned, "June 28, 1675. March 29 following, fifty-four Houfes were there burned, and moft of the Reft as they were de- ferted by the Inhabitants withdrawing to Road- Ifland.
Petuxet is another fmail Place within four Miles of Providence y where were twelve Houfes burned in the Beginning of March 1676, Pag. 66, 67. It was by a fmall Brook called Abbots Run, that falls into Patuxet, (a River near Providence) where Captain Peirce and his Men were llain. Ibid.
Bridgewater, a fmall Town between Taunton and Weymouth Pag. 68.
21. Lancafter, or Najliaway, a fmall Town of about fifty Families, was alfaulted Febr. 10, 1675, by five hundred bidians in five feveral Companies ; yet they took but one Garifon-houfe ; wherein were forty two Perfons, but eight or nine Sol- diers, whereof but one efcaped ; the Reft were Women and Children, who were moft of them
5 ' This probably has Reference fliield him from all Harm from the
to " one Wright," who was fo crazy Indians. See Old Indian Chroni-
from fanaticifm, as to fuppofe that cks, 85. Wright probably be-
carrying a Bible about with him, longed to Warwick. See Note 248,
finging Pfalms and praying would ^wAMzihcr's Brief Hi/iory, 126.
48 A N ar7'ative of the Ti^oiihles [iv
returned after fome Months Captivity. 55 And to prevent Miftakes, let it here be obferved, that none of the Women were abufed, or murthered, but one that was big with Child, unable to travel, and much difcontented ; whom the Indians^ hav- ing made a great Fire, and gathered a Ring about her, firft knocked her on the Head, after they had pulled off her Clothes, then barbarouily caft her into the Fire. No Credit is to be given to any other Reports of Cruelty towards any Englilh Woman in that Part of the Country.
23. Groton furprized March 2, as is related Fag. 60, and 61; the Place confifling of about fixty Families, was foon after deferted, yet are there fourteen or fifteen Houfes left ftanding to this Day, though not inhabited for the prefent, Pag.
73.
25. Wickford, where was Mr. Smith's Houfe the Rendezvouz of our Soldiers the laft Winter, when they fpoiled the Narhaganfet Fort.
28. Medjield, a midling Town, ten or twelve Miles beyond Dedham, furprized by the Indians ;
•'5 A welcome Ray of Light is The Lads Names are Jofeph Joflyn
filed on this Paffage from an Extraft and John Jacus." [Jacobs ?] Talcott
of a Letter written by Major Tal- mentions a " Mayd" as one of the
cott, dated Norwich, May 31ft Captives, and fays he had " given an
(1676). " The Day before, 18 Order to (hip the two Lads and the
WabaquafTct Indians, with feventy Mayd on Scippi" Prentice, now at
Women and Children, came in to Norwich with his Veffel," to be
Norwich, bringing with tiiem two conveyed to Bofton and delivered to
young Englifli Captives, of 1 2 and Gov. Lcverett. Co/. l\ec. CoJinec-
10 years of Age, belonging, one to ticut, ii, 450-1. Sudbury and the other to Nafhaway ;
with the Indians in Nei^-Rngland. 4.9
v]
feventeen Perfons flain, and much of the Town burned, Pag. 61, 62.
31. Marlborough, a Town ten Miles beyond Sudbury, in the Way to ConneBicut, the People repairing in Time to Garifon-houfes, were not many of them llain ; yet were many or moft of their Houfes burned that were defer ted, March 26, 1676.
32. Sudbury, a convenient Town, violently alTaulted Apr. 18, 1676, [v] Page 79. by eight or nine hundred Indians (the Inhabitants fpeak of fourteen hundred) a tripartite Company intending to have carried all before them, yet flew but three of the Inhabitants, belides ten or eleven that came to their Relief from Concord, that were fadly loft for want of good Condud:, Fehr. i. 1675.5^ T^ho. Ea?jjes his Houfe at a Farm three Miles dif- tant from the Town, his Corn, Cattel, Barns all burned, his Family captivated, the next Day his Son's Wife died, Ea?nes himfelf being from Home.
33. Concord, a conliderable Town five or ftx Miles to the North-weft of Sudbury ; they fuf- tained not much Damage in the Town, fave only fome Farms that were at fome Diftance there- from : two Men threftiing at a Barn, a young Maid fet to Watch, was carried Captive, and the Men both flain, the Maid ftrangely efcaped foon after, Pag. 80.
5*5 This probably has Reference Bofton, who had been to Quabaog to the Attack on a Company of Men Fort as a Convoy to Provifions for under Capt. Edward Cowell of that Garrifon,
50 A Narrative of the Troubles [v
34. Chelmsford, where were many deferted Houfes burned in the Beginning of April 1676. belonging to one Ed. Colburn, that had formerly pLirchaied the Seat of Capt. Web.57 And to Samuel Varnha?n, who had two Sons flain in the Boat as they were palling the River.
35. Andover, a fmall Town fifteen Miles weft from Ipfwich ; where alfo in April was one or two killed, and one taken Captive. 5^
36. 37, 38. H'mgham and Weymouth, in each of which was one or two killed, Apr. 19, 1676, in the fame Month two or three were killed at An- dover, Haverhill, Bradford.
39. Woburn, where fome fkulking Indians that had robbed fome of their Gardens at Cambridge, of Linnen, came into a Houfe, killed a Woman and two Children ; but being purfued and fliot at, as they fat by a Swamp lide, they dropped their Bundle of Linnen, in which was found wrapt up the Scalp of one or both the Children. 59
40. Cafco, a large Bay fcatteringly inhabited and full of Illands, where Sept. 1675, Mr. Pur- chafe his Houfe was plundered.
Sept. 9, following, Wakelys Houfe and Family was fpoiled.
•'' Capt. John Webb. He is the fore the Commencement of the War.
fame who came over in the James of '^^ See Page 221, ante ; alfo a Note
London,which failed from Hampton in Mather's Brief 11 ijlory, 132-3.
"aboute the 5th of Aprill, 1635." 'J" Hannah, wife of Samuel Ri-
In a Lift of the Paffengers his Name chard, and her onlv Child Hannah,
is " John Euered, alias Webb." one Week old are killed at Woburn
ScQ Founders af Netu.E?iglafid, 56, by the Indians. Alfo Thomas, Son
by which it appears he came from of faid R. Wohurn Records, April
Marlborough in Wilts. He died be- loth, 1676.
vi] with the Indians in New-England. 5 1
12. ditto. Two Houfes burned of Mr. Mount- joy's^ and two young Men flain as they were fowling.
19. One llain at Blew-Poi?2t, another wounded, fo as he died the next Day.
20. A Man and Wife llain.
05iob. 19. following, eleven or twelve Houfes burned at Scarborough a Place not for from Cafco, with five hundred Buihels of Corn in Barns.
OBob. 9. Lieut. Augur mortally wounded, and his Brother llain ; and two more wounded.
10. ditto. Henry Williams forely wounded on Sawco Sands or Downs, marvelouily efcaped from two Indians palling to Black-point.
[vi] 13. Capt. Wincol, that came to relieve Black-Point had two of his Men llain, and two more with an Inhabitant wounded ; himfelf and his Party engaged the fame Day with an hundred Indians or more, yet was delivered by the Shelter of an Heap of Bolts : But nine Men coming to their Relief from Sawco^ were all llain on the Downs the fame Day : Thomas Rogers, one of the nine, his Houfe burned the next Day. Part. 2. Page 25, 26.
1 5. Lieutenant Alcock of Kitteryhuried them.^°
16. ditto.. The Body of Winter -harbour Houfes were fired by the Enemy ; three Men flain, and one Woman carried away.^^
f^o This Note of the Author has Page [26, Vol. ii. See alfo Folfom's reference to the Men who went to Saco and Bid., 159. the Relief of Capt. Wincall. See ^i Winter Harbor is fome fix
52 A Narrative of theTroubles [vi
17. Six Houfes fired on the North-fide of Sawco River.
18. Six or feven Houfes fired by the Enemy at Sawco by Night, which were the firft that were fired in the Night-time.^'
50. SawcOy where Major Philips his Habitation was afi^aulted, Sept. 18. 1675. Paz- 16, 17.
The 3d of Nove?nber, twenty of the Inhabitants of Scarborough, or Black-Point, were fet upon by fixty Indians, by whom they had been deftroyed, but the Enfign, Tipping, the Week before, fent from Bofion for the Rehef of that Place, came feafonably to their Relief.^-
6. ditto, A Bojicn Soldier was mortally wounded : feveral Houfes that Day burned ; yet were they by the Valour of the Englifli beaten into Swamps,
Miles from Saco, and was fo named empted from Imprcfle vpon any
from an early Settler named Winter, other of the Countrys Imploy ; and
doubdefs the well known Mr. John Bartholomew Tipping comended
Winter. as a fitt Pcrfon to take the Charge
'1 I do not find any Statement as of fiich as are to land, in Cafe he
to the Locality of the Houfes de- fliall judge the Place tenable, he
ftroyed, or to whom they belonged, fhallbe and heereby is impowered
''-Under Date of Od. 25th, to imprefTe the Company now fent,
1676, is found the following Order and any other of the Inhabitants, or
upon the General Court Records : other Perfons which may be there
" Whereas Jofl-iua Scottow is now found, to looke after Plunder or
fending forth a fmale Vcffcll or two their oune Eilates, and to defend
with Company for the Difcouery of and keepe the Place from the En-
the State of the Fort at Black Point, nemy vntil further Order; and the
and tranfport of what may be there faid Scottow hath Liberty to im-
recoucrable, cither of his or any of prefle fome Lihabitants of Black
the Inhabitants, if it is ordered, that Point, who lye latent; he, the faid
the faid VcfTells and Perfons by him Scottow, carrying it on at his oune
fent fliallbe and hereby are ex- Charge."
vi] with the Indians in New-England, ^i^
but what Number of them was flain is uncer- tain.
21. Two Houfes more burnt at Sawco.
51. Wells, Where two or three were killed, Part 2. Page 26.
^^. Falmouth, on the hither Side of Cafca Bay, where Auguft 11, about thirty four Perfons were killed and taken by the Indians, P. 32, 33, 34.
54. Spurwinck and Richmonds IJland, where Mr. Friers Ketch, with ten Men, was taken, OBoh. II, 1676, Part 2. Page 45, 46.
47, Tork : At Cape Nidduck, belonging there- unto, were feven barbaroully murthered, Sep. 25, 1676. Part 2. Page 51.
58. Totonnock Fort, which lies up Kenniheck River, whither the Indians are faid to have fled, when Major Walden arrived there with his Sol- diers in February laft, 1676, and from whence the Enemy came down when they feized the Inhabit- ants of Kenniheck, and Arrowfick Iftand, Aug. 1 1, 1676. which is fcituate in the Mouth of the faid River. ^3
It is reported by fome of the Inhabitants of Kenniheck, lately fled, or rather driven from thence, that about five Years fince four Englifli-men were flain by the Amorofcoggin Indians up Pe gyp/cot River, that runs into Kenniheck ; but it was con-
''^ Waldron's Expedition was in as the mode of Reckoning then was.
February, 1677 ; yet the Author is See Belknap, Hi/iory of New Hamp-
right in placing it in 1676, bccaufe Jhire, 78, Edition 1831. See alio
it was before Newyear's Day, 1 677, Hubbard's Hijl. N. Eng., 630, 63 1 .
G2
54 A Narr^ative of the 1 roubles [vii
cealed by the wicked Traders of thole Parts, for fear of difcovering their wicked Manner of trad- ing with the I vii] Heathen ; which if it had been duly enquired into when it was firft done, much of what followed might have been prevented,^-'-
^id non mortalia feElora cogis
Aurijacra Fames ?
But fuch Gains have proved like Auriun Thou- loiifaniim to fome of the Inhabitants of thofe Parts.
Kennibeck, How taken and when, Part 2. Page 41 ; there is laid to be about fifty three killed and taken about Kennibeck, and at Arrowjick IJland Aug. 13. 1676.
''^ I have met with no Particulars of this Affair.
[""] A Poftfcript.
65
CONCERNING the Narhaganfets, this is further to be added here, That Mr. Thomas StdTitofi, and his Son Robert, who having a long Time Hved amongft them, and beft ac- quainted with their Language and Manners of any in New-Engla?id, do affirm, that to their Knowledg the Narhagaiifct Sachims, before the late Troubles, had two thoufand fighting Men under them, and nine hundred Arms ; yet are they at this Day fo broken and fcattered, that there is none of them left on that fide of the Country, unlefs fome few, not exceeding feventy in Number, that have flieltered themfelves under the Inhabitants of Road-IJland, as a Merchant of that Place worthy of Credit lately affirmed to the Writer hereof. It is confiderable by what De- grees they have been confumed and defi:royed.
The firft Week in April lafi:, viz. 1676, Canon- chet their chief Sachim, having with this People been driven out of his own Country by the Sword of the Engliffi the Winter before, breathed fi:ill
'^This "POSTSCRIPT" ap- Information obtained after the pre- pears to have been the Refult of vious Part was printed.
56 A Narrative of the Troubles [ix
nothing but Rage and Cruelty againft them, bearing himfelf upon his great Numbers : yet as appeared in the Illue, himfelf and they that efcaped with him, were not fo much preferved from the prefent Calamity that befell the Ref} in their Fort, as referved to another and more ignomini- ous Death. For all the whole Body of the In- dians to the Weftward trufting under the Shadow of the afpiring Bramble ; he took a kind of Care of them upon himfelf. Wherefore forefeeing fo many hundreds could not well fubliil without planting : he propounded it in his Council, that all the Weft-plantations upon ConncBlcut River, taken from the Englifli, fhould this laft Summer be planted with India?!- codz ; which was indeed in it felf a very prudent Confederation : To that End he refolved to venture himfelf with but thirty Men (the Reft declining it) to fetch a Seed-corn from Seaconk, the next Town to Mount-hope ; leaving a Body of Men, not fewer than fifteen hundred to follow him or meet him about Sea- conk the Week after. This Adventure brought him into the Snare, from whence he could not efcape : For Capt. George Denifon of Stonington, and Capt. [James] Avery of New-London, having raifed forty feven Englifh, the moft Part Volun- teers, [ixj with eighty Indians, twenty of which were Narhaganj'ets belonging to Ninigret, com- manded by one called Catapazer.^^ The reft
'" Catapaxct in the firft Edition; fpelling the Name is Catdpazat, as but the Author's ufual method of will be feen.
ix] with the India?^s in New-Knglmid. 5 7
Pequods under Cnfa/innaMon, and Mohegins under Onecoy Son to Uiicas, being now abroad upon their third Expedition, which they began March the twenty feventh, 1676, and ended on the tenth of April following. They met with a ftout Indian of the Enemies, whom they prefently Hew, and two old Squaws, that confelfed Nanunttenoo, alias Canunchat (thofe chief Sachims ufually changing their Names at every great Dance, and by that Name of Nanunttenoo was he then known) was not far off; which welcom News put new Life into the wearied Soldiers, that had travelled hard many Days, and met with no Booty till now ; efpecially when it was confirmed by Inteligence the fame Inftant, brought in by their Scouts, that they met with new Trad:s which brought them in View of fome Wigwams not far from Patucket,^'^ by fome called Blackjlones Kiver, in one of which the Said Sachim was at that Moment divertizing himfelf, with the Recital of Capt. Pierces Slaugh- ter, furprized- by his Men a few Days before ;^^ but the Alarm of the Englifh at that Time heard by himfelf, put by that Difcourfe, appalled with
^^~' Since ufiiallv written Pazvtucket. of it, it would be quite clear that he
''""This, I believe, is the only was in it; but on the other Hand,
Authority for the Statement that if he were being diverted by the
Nanunttenoo was at the Fight at Recital of another, it is quite as clear
Abbot's Run, on the 26th of March, that he was not in that Fight.
1676. The Language of the Au- Aaiain, the Phrafe, " furprijed by his
thor will admit of two Conftruftions, M^v; a few Days before," fee m: to
as is feen by an Analyfis of it; that be pretty conclufive that he was not
Nanunttenoo was, or that he was there. However, the Reader is at
fiot at that Fight. If the Chief was Liberty to fetde the Oueftion as he
diverting himfelf by /^/V ofi-w Recital pleafes.
58 A Narrative of the Troubles [ix
the fuddennefs thereof, as if he had been informed by fecret Item from Heaven, that now his own Turn was come : fo as having but feven Men about him, he fent up two of them to the Top of the Hill to fee what the Matter was ; but they, afrighted with the near Approach of the Englifli, at that Time with great Speed mounted over a fair Champagn on the other Side of the Hill, ran by, as if they wanted Time to tell what they faw. Prefently he fent a third who did the like. Then fending two more on the fame Errand ; one of thefe laft, either indued with more Courage, or a better fenfe of his Duty, informed him in great hafte that all the Englifh Army was upon him : Whereupon, having no Time to confult, and but little to attempt an Efcape, and no Means to de- fend himfelfj he began to Dodg with his Purfuers, running round the Hill on the contrary Side ; but as he was running fo haftily by, Catapazat with twenty of his followers, and a few of the Englilli, light of Foot, guelfed by the Swiftnefs of his Motion, that he fled as if an Enemy, which made them immediately take the Chafe after him as for their Lives ; he that was the fwifter Pur- fuer, put him fo hard to it, that he caft off firft his Blanket, then his Silver-lac'd Coat (given him at Bojion as a Pledg of their Friendfliip, upon the Renewal of his League in October before), ^"^ and Belt of Peag^ which made Catapazat conclude it was the right Bird, which made them purfue
fi''Sce l^oie 389. Page 182, atUc .
x] with the l7tdia7ts in New-Kngland. 59
as eagerly as the other fled ; fo as they forced him to take the Water, through which as he over haftily plunged, his Foot flipping upon a Stone, it made [x] him fall into the Water fo deep, as it wetted his Gun, upon which Accident, he con- fefled foon after, that his Heari and his Bowels turned within him, fo as he became like a rotten Stick, void of Strength ; infomuch, as one Mono- poide a Pcqiiod, fwiftefl: of Foot, laid hold of him within thirty Rod of the River Side without his making any Reflflance ; though he was a very proper Man, of goodly Stature, and great Courage of Mind, as well as Strength of Body. One of the flrfl: Englifh that came up with him was Robert Stanton, a young Man that fcarce had reached the twenty fecond Year of his Age, yet adventuring to aflc him a Quefl:ion or two, to whom this manly Sachim looking with a little Negled: upon his youthful Face, replyed in broken Englilh ; you much Child, no underfliand Matters of War ; let your Brother or your Chief come, him I will Anfwer, and was as good as his Word. Ad:ing herein as if by a Pythagorean Metempfy- chcjis, fome old Roman Ghofl: had polfefl^ed the Body of this Weflern Pagan : And like Attilius Regulus, he would not accept of his own Life, when it was tendered him, upon that (in his Account) low Condition of Compliance with the Englifh ; refufing to fend an old Counfellor of his to make any Motion that Way; faying, he knew the Indians would not yield ; but more
6o A Narrative of the T'roiihles [x
probably he was not willing they fliould, chufing rather to facrifice his own, and his Peoples Lives to his private Humour of Revenge, than timely to provide for his own, and their Safety, by en- tertaining the Counfels of a Peace, fo necelTary for the general good of all. He continuing in the fame his obftinate Refolution, was carried foon after to Sto?jington, where he was fliot to Death by fome of his own Quality, y6\ the young Sachim of the Mohegins, and two of the Pequods of like Quality. This was the Confufion of a damned Wretch, that had often opened his Mouth to blafpheme the Name of the living God, and thofe that make Profeffion thereof He was told at large of his Breach of Faith, and how he boafted he would not deliver up a Wampanoog, or the paring of a Wampamogs Nail ; that he would burn the Englifli alive in their Houfes ; to which he replyed, others were as forward for the War as himfelf, and that he defired to hear no more thereof And when he was told his Sentence was to dye, he faid, he liked it well, that he iliould dye before his Heart was foft, or had fpoken any thing unworthy of himfelf He told the Engliih before they put him to Death, that the killing him would not end the War ; but it was a con- fiderable Step thereunto, nor did it live much longer after his Death, at leaft not in thofe Parts : For after Sudbury Fight, when the Sun of their Hopes was at its higheft, April \.\\q I'ith follow-
xi] with the Indiai2s in New-England. 6 1
ing,^° it vifibly declined, till it fet in a Night of obfcure and utter Darknefs upon them all, as is to be feared.
[xi] The Inhabitants of New-London, Norwich^ and Stonington, apprehenfive of their Danger by Reafon of the near bordering of the Enemy, and upon other prudent Confiderations, voluntarily lirted themfelves under fome able Gentlemen, and refolute Soldiers, amongft themfelves. Major Pahnes,'^^ Capt. George Denifon, Captain Avery ^ v^ith whom or under whom, within the Compafs of the Year, 1676, they made ten or more feveral Expeditions ; in all which, at thofe feveral Times they killed and took two hundred and thirty nine of the Enemy, by the Help and AiTiflance of the Pequods^ Mohegins, and a few friendly Narhagan- fets. Befides thirty taken in the long March homeward, after the Fort Fight, December the 19/^/?, 1675, and befides fixteen captived in the fecond Expedition, not reckoned within the Com- pafs of the faid Number : together with fifty Guns ; and fpoiling the Enemy of feven hundred Bufhels of Corn. 7^
''^ This Date fhould be Jprilzx^. Name is printed Palmer, mifleading
The Error has been already pointed us among others. He was a dif-
out. There appears to have been tinguifhed Gentleman of New Lon-
an earlier Attack on Sudbury, which don, and died there, 21ft March,
caufed the Author to confound the 1714-115, in his 78th Year.
Latter with the Former. See Ma- '-See Trumbull, /////. of Conn , 1,
ther. Brief Hijiory, 123. £43. Holmes's Amer. Annals, i,
''Major Edward Palmes. In 381-2. Concerning the Long March,
the late Editions of this Work the fee News from N. England, P. 10. H2
62 Jl Nai^rative of the T^r'ouhles [xi
In "January they went again in Purfuit, and took five Men and a Boy.
Certain Nipfiets intended to have flickered themlelves under Uncas ; but he perceiving it would be diftaftful to the Englifli, foon Ihab'd them off; fo as they were in the Beginning of the Winter brought into Bojion^ many of them by Feter Ephraim, and Andrew Fityme, with their Fellows. 73
In all which Exploits, neither they nor any of their Followers fuftained any Lofs by the Sword of the Enemy, or Sicknefs : As is exprelTly de- clared by the Reverend Minifter of Stonington^ Mr. James Noyce, which is a Matter very admira- ble to confider, engaging all that were any Way concerned in fuch fignal Teftimonies of Divine Favour, to be ready to pay their Vows to the Moft High, who alone teacheth the Hands of his People to war, and their Fingers to fight.
But the greateft Blow given to the Narhagan- fets was by Connedlicut Forces under Major Talcot, July the fecond, as is related, Part i. Page 97.
Amongft the Reft of the Prifoners then taken, was a young fprightly Fellow, feized by the Mo- begins ; who defired of the Englifli Commanders that he might be delivered into their Hands, that
7' Thcfe two Indians had been to the Laft. Ephraim had a Com-
fiibjcdkd to great Hardfliips and miflion as Captain at the Clofe of
Wrongs by the rough Ufage of Men the War. Sec Book of the Indians,
in Power. But they proved faithful 276. See alfo rt/?/^ 285.
xii] with the Indians in N ew-Efigland . 63
they might put him to Death, more majoriim\ facrifice him to their cruel Genius of Revenge, in which brutilh and devihili Paffion they are moft of all delighted : The Englifh though not delighted in Blood, yet at this Time were not unwilling to gratify their Humour, left by a Denial they might difoblige their Indian Friends, of whom they lately made fo much ufe : Partly alfo that they might have an occular Demonftra- tion of the Salvage, barbarous Cruelty of thefe Heathen : And indeed, of all the Enemies that have been the Subjeds of the precedent Difcourfe, this Villian did moft deferve to become an Objed: of Juftice and Severity: For he boldly told them, that he had with his Gun difpatched nineteen Englifli, and that he had [xii] charged it for the twentieth ; but not meeting with any of ours, and unwilling to lofe a fair Shot, he had let fly at a Mohegin, and killed him, with which, having made up his Number, he told them he was fully fatistied. But as is ufually faid, Juftice VindiBlve hath Iron Hands, though Leaden Feet ; this cruel Monfter is fallen into their Power, that will repay him feven-fold : In the firft Place there- fore, making a great Circle, they placed him in the Middle, that all their Eyes might at the fame Time, be pleafed with the utmoft Revenge upon him. They firft cut one of his Fingers round in the Joynt, at the Trunck of his Hand, with a ftiarp Knife, and then brake it oft", as Men ufed to do with a ftaughtered Beaft, before they un-
6^ A Narrative oj the T'roiibLes [xii
cafe him ; then they cut off another and another, till they had difmembered one Hand of all its Digits, the Blood fometimes fpirting out in Streams a Yard from his Hand, which barbarous and un- heard of Cruelty, the Englifh were not able to bear, it forcing Tears from their Eyes ; yet did not the Sufferer ever relent, or fliew any Sign of Anguifli : For being afked by fome of his Tormentors, how he liked the War ? He might have replyed, as the Scotch Gentleman did after the Lofs of a Battel, that being afked how he liked- the Match, Jc. with our Prince of Wales^ (which then was the Occafion of the Quarrel) made Anfwer, he liked the Match well enough, but no whit liked the Manner of the Wooing written by fuch Lines of Blood ; but this unfenlible and hard-hearted Monfter anfwered, He liked it very well, and found it as fweet, as Englilh Men did their Sugar. In this Frame he continued, till his Executioners had dealt with the Toes of his Feet, as they had done with the Fingers of his Hands ; all the while making him Dance round the Circle, and Sing, till he had wearied both himfelf and them. At laff they brake the Bones of his Legs, after which he was forced to fit down, which 'tis faid he lilently did, till they had knocked out his Brains. Inftances of this Nature ihould be In- centive unto us, to blefs the Father of Lights, who hath called us out of the dark Places of the Earth, full of the Habitations of Cruelty. When the Day-lpring from on high fliall vilit thole that
xiii] with the India?is in New-England. 6 5
lit in this Region of Darknefs, another Spirit will be poured upon them, and then the Feet of them that bring the glad Tidings of Gofpel- Salvation will appear more beautiful to them than at prefent they feem to do. And when thefe Mountains of Prey (hall become the holy Moun- tain of the Lord, they fhall neither hurt, nor deftroy, nor exercife Cruelty therein.
Moreover in the beginning of April, 1677, certain Intelligence came from Pafcataqua that fome ftrange Indians had fallen upon Major IVal- derns Indians, and deftroyed feveral of them.
It is alfo informed, that the Indians of Kenni- beck have lately furprized [xiii] five or fix of the Soldiers by an Ambufh, as they were about to have buried fome of the Bodies of their Friends, flain ill thofe Parts before the lafi: Winter : And that they had the lafi: Week done the like Mif- chief to fuch a Number of the Inhabitants of Black-Point, which is a folemn Prefage of another Storm like to fall upon thofe Eaftern Parts, unlefs God prevent, this Summer enfuing.
66 A Narrative of the Troubles [xiii
For the further Satisfaction of the Reader con- cerning the perfidioufnefs and falfnefs of our Enemies, and the Juftice of our Caufe, we fliall clofe this Narrative with the Articles which Philips Sachim of Paukamaket, or Mount hope, Tubfcribed in the Year, 1671.^+
WE PHILIP and my Council atid my SiibjeBs, do acknowledg our f elves SubjeB to his Ma- jejiy the King of England, and the Governe??ient of New-Plimouth, a?id to their Laws.
2. / afn willing, and do promife to pay unto the Government of Plimouth, one hundred Pounds in
fuch Things as I have: but I would intreat the Favour that I might have three Tears to pay it in, forafmuch as I cannot do it at prefent.
3. I do promife to fend unto the Governor, or whom he JJjall appoint, five Wolves Heads, if I can get them : or as many as I can procure, until they come to five Wolves yearly.
.4. If any Difference fall between the Lnglifh and my felf and Peeople, then I do promife to repair to the Governor of Plimouth, to reBifie the difference amongji us.
5. I do promife not to make War with any, but with the Governors Approbation f?/' Plimouth.
6. / promife, not to difpofe of any of the Lands
■' The full Dale was perhaps ac- Date is not the only Omiirion, as cidentally omitted. It fhould be will be fecn by the Signatures on " September 29th, 1671." But the the enfuing Page.
xiii] with the Indians in New-England. 67
that I have at prefent, but by the Approbation of the Governor o/^Plimouth.
For the true Performance of the Premifes of the faid Sachim, Philip of Paukafnakett, do hereby bind my felf, and fuch of my Council as are pre- fent, our felves, our Heirs, our SuccefTors, faith- fully, and to promife, in witnefs whereof, we have hereunto fubfcribed our Hands, the Day and Year above written ;
The mark P of Philip, the Sachitn of PaukatnakettJ^ The mark [ ofVncoinpaen. Thefnarky of Wolokofn. Thetnark 7 ofSajnka?naJ^
In the prefence of the Court and divers of the Magif rates and other Gentkfnen of the Majfa- chufets and ConneBicut.
"•'' " Paukanaukett" in the original Records.
'•^ The Signatures to the original Treaty are as follows :
The Marke P of PHILLIP, Sa- chem.
The Market of WOHKOW- PAHENITT.
The Marke of -7 WUTTA- KOOSEEIM.
The Marke of A SONKANU- HOO.
The Marke of //7 WOONA- SHUM, alias NIMROD.
The Marke of T WOOSPA- SUCK, alies CAPTAINE.
NARRATIVE
TROUBLES
INDIANS
JVEW-EMGLAJVD,
From Pafcataqua to PenunaquidJ^
HE Occafion, Rife and Progrefs of the War with the Indians in the Southern and Weftern Parts of New England, together with the IlTue and Succefs thereof, hath in the former Part of this Narrative been already declared. Before an Entrance be made into a Relation of thofe Troubles that befell the Eaftern and Northern Parts of the faid Country
■'■''Some Copies of this Part were that is the only Copy I ever heard
iflued by themfelves, or at leaft one of. It is our only Record of many
was fo iflued, which I pofleflrd, but hio;hly important Events. I2
yo A Narrative of the Troubles \2
from the Indians inhabiting thofe Parts, it will be requilite to give fome general Defcription of the place, as being lefs frequented, and fo more unknown than the other; like Heraulds that ufe to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge, as an Hiftorian once faid; that fo the Reader may not mifs the Truth in Story, by be- ing unacquainted with the Places whereon the Difcourfe proceedeth. Briefly therefore, that more Coft and Pains be not fpent in the furvey- ing a barren and rocky Country, than will quit Coft, the Lift or Border here being known to be more worth than the whole Cloth, that whole Trad: of Land, being of little worth, unlefs it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-coaft, and fome Spots and Skirts^^ of more defirable Land upon the Banks of fome Rivers, how much foever it be valued by them that know nothing [2] thereof, but by the uncertain and fallible Re- ports of fuch as have only failed by the Country, or viewed fome of the Rivers and Havens, but never palled through the Heart of the Continent. The whole being fcarce worth half thofe Mens Lives that have been loft thefe two laft Years, in hope to fave it.
'^' The Sea Border of Maine, fomething like the Border he was
when Mr, Hubbard wrote, was in- defcribing. Could his Vifion have
deed a narrow " Skirt," and was grafpcd 200 Years he would have
peopled by not more probably than fccn that Border expand into a great
5000 Inhabitants. As Affairs then Commonwealth, maintaining at lead:
flood it is not Grange that the Au- 700,000 Souls, and capable of" fuf
thor's Views were alfb a little narrow, tianing 700,000 more.
2 ] with the Indians in New-Rngland. 7 1
This north Part of New- England, did firfi:, like Zarah,'^^ put forth its hand, thereby inviting the Adventurers to twift the Scarlet Thred of their Hopes about the fame : By that aufpitious Be- ginning, they w^ere ready to promife themfelves great Profperity, in having that Advantage before others, to plant and people that Part of the Country. ^°
But that fair Opportunity was almoil quite loft, by fome fatal and michievous Accidents happen- ing foon after that noble Enterprize was firft fet a-foot, as hath been already in part, and may hereafter more fully be declared.
The firft Place that ever was poftefled by the Englifti, in the Hope of making a Plantation in thofe Parts, was a Trad; of Land on the Weft- lide of the River of Kennibeck, then called Saga- tawocke, fence Saga-de-hocke ; other Places adjoin- ing were foon after feized, and improved for Trading and Fiftiing. The more Remote and furtheft Northward, at the Time belonging to the Englifti [Penohfcot, forty Years fince being furprized by the French, and by them held at this Day,^' is called Pemmaquid) diftant i^N^Vi or eight Leagues from Kennibeck, and is the utmoft Boundary of New-Rngland, being about forty Leagues diftant from the Mouth of Pafcataqua
"''^ Zarai? " Zara, a City of ^i This Conquefl: was in 1635.
Moab. It was taken by Alexander See the Particulars in Bradford's
Janasus." Parifh, Sac. Geog. Hijl. Plymouth Plantation ; alfo
^^ This is in reference to the Sa- Winthrop's Journal. I do not fee
gadehock Colony. tha^: Charlevoix takes Notice of it.
72 A Narrative of the Troubles [3
River. That Pemmaquid is a very commodious Haven for Ships, and hath been found very ad- vantageous to fuch as ufe to come upon thefe Coafts to make Fifhing- voyages ; South -weft, or South-eaft, from whence, about fix or feven Leagues Hes an Illand called Mojihiggoii, of much ufe on the fame Account for Fifliing, it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from JDamarils Cove (a Place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fiftiermen in former Times). There have been for a long Time feven or eight conliderable Dwellings about Petfwiaquid, which is well accom- modated with Pafture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattel, and fome Fields alfo for Tillage ; All the Land improvable for fuch Ufes, being already taken up by fuch a Number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned.
In the Mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a conliderable liland called Arowfick, fome Years lince purchafed by Major [ThomasJ Clark, and Capt [Thomas] Lake two Merchants of Bojlon : on which they built feveral large Dwellings with a Warehoufe, and many other Edifices near the Water-fide ; it being intended by the Owners for a Place of Trading, as well as [3] Planting ; there being many of late feated there, fit to carry on each Deiign ; where alio was built a Fort, which if it had been carefully defended, might have proved the Defence and Security of all that Side of the Country, as it ufed to be their Magazine up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck. Four
3] with the Indians i7t Wew- England. 73
Leagues Eaftward, toward Pemmaquid^ is another conliderable River called Ships-coat,^'' upon the Banks of which were many fcattered Planters, who lately flying from their Dwellings for Fear of the Indians, left, as was judged, a thoufand Head of Neat Cattel for the Ufe of the hidians, that made the late Infurred:ion againft the Inhab- itants of thofe Parts, belides the Fields and Barns full of Corn.
There is another River that iffues into Kenni- beck, a little higher up into the Country, called Pegypfcot, that comes down from behind Cafco Bay. This Pegypfcot is the Seat of the Amo/cogging^^ Indians, who have had a great if not the principal Hand in the late Mifchiefs.
Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck, lies that famous and fpacious Haven called Cafco Bay : The North-eaft Cape of which is made by an Ifland called Sagidn ; The Southern or oppo- lite Point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth, which is in the Bofom of this Bay, being about eight or nine Leagues over at the Mouth of it, and abun- dance of fmall Iflands, many of them being in- habited by Fiiliermen, and others : One of the Principal of that Sort is called Jewel's IJland. There are many Placeb about this Bay, fit to make commodious Habitations ; and on the South-fide
'- The modern Sheepfcot, in Lin- Androfcogglv) or gave Name to that
coin County ; long fmce lined with River. On a very beatitiful Map
floLirifhing commercial Towns. of New England, publifhed in Eng-
^•■^ Thofe Indians took their PJame land in 1774, '^he Name is fpelled
from the River JmoJ'coggin, (now Atninorjkoghin^
74 A Narrative of the T'ronbles [4
of it, is a fmall Village called Falmouth ; all, or moft of it, lately deftroyed by the Indians.
Not far from Cajco to the Southward, or South- weft, ftill is a River called Spurwinks, over againft which lies Richmond IJIand, not far from the main Land, being divided therefrom by a fmall Chan- nel, fordable at Low-water ; It hath for a long Time been the Seat of Mr. Jordan, in right of Mr. Winter, the former, if not the firft Proprietor thereof, whofe Daughter he married.
The next Plantation Southward is called Scar- borough, a fmall Village feated upon Black-point; over againfl: which is another Point, for Diftinc- tion from the former called Blue-point : This Black-Point was lately the Seat of Mr. [Henry] Jojfelin, being a Parcel of the Province of Maine, or falling within the Precindis thereof, and was formerly by Patent granted to the faid Jojelin or his Predecelfors, lince purchafed by Mr. [JoJhua'\ Scot to of Bojion.
Saco River lies next in Order to PaJ cat aqua, a navigable River ; where Major Philips had a commodious Scituation lately ; at the Mouth of which River lies Winter-harbour, encompalfed on one Side by a [4] Neck of Land, formerly the Property of one Mr. Winter, whofe Name it ftill retains, but lately purchafed by Major Pendleton,^'^ where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and Habitation.
^^y[z.]ov Bryan Pendleton. His Editor, See Memoir of him in Autograph is in I'oircffion of the Williamfon, Hiji. Maine, i, 686.
4] with the Indians in New-England, j ^
There is another Harbour lying a little South- ward of Saco, made by that which is called Cape CorpuiJ]} ; a convenient Seat for Fifhermen, as are moft of the other Places above named. Between Cape Poj^puiJJe and Pafcataqua, there are but two fmall Towns more (though ambitious of great Names) the one called Wells^ the other Tork : Wells is feated upon a fmall River^^ or Creek, affording a fmall Harbour fit only for Barks and fmaller Veffels : on each Side of which Town lies a fmall River, the firft called Kenni- biink, the fecond Maguncuck: the other Town is called Tork, formerly known by the Name of Agamenticus, from an high Hill of that Name, not far off therefrom. The Point of Land which lies between the faid Towns, is called Cape Nid- duck, making a fmall Harbour likewife, into which iffues another pretty River, on the Banks of which is fcituate the Town of Tork. All or moft of forementioned Towns and Plantations are feated upon, and near fome River greater or leifer, whofe Streams are principally improved for the driving of Saw-mills : Thofe late Inventions, fo ufeful for the DeftrucStion of Wood and Timber, fpecially of Fir-trees, which no doubt fo abound in thofe Coafts, that there is fcarce a River or Creek in thofe Parts that hath not fome of thofe Engines erected upon them.
The upper Branches of the famous River Pafcataqua, being alfo employed all of them
S5 Called Webhannet.
76 A Narrative of the Troubles [4.
that Way : namely, Sturgeon-Creek, Salmon Falls, Neivechewafinik,^^ ^lechecho.^'^ Oyjler -River, ^^ Swajnfcot^'^ Greenland, Lamprey-Eele-River, to- gether with the Towns of Exeter and Dover, leated upon, or near fome of the main Branches thereof, whofe principal Trade is in Deal-boards, cut by thofe Saw-mills, fince their Rift Timber is near all confumed. On each Side of that brave navigable River of Pafcataqua down towards the Mouth of it, are feated on the North-fide the Town of Kittary (a long fcattering Plantation made up of feveral Hamlets) : on the South-fide the Town of Portfmonth, to which belongs the great liland, lying in the Mouth of the laid River, a Place of conliderable Trade thefe late Years, the which together with Strawberry-bank, the upper Part of the faid Town of Portf?nouth, are the Magazine, and chief or only Place of Com- merce and Trade for all the Plantations, betwixt it and Cafco Bay : All the faid Plantations have in thefe laft two Years, viz, 1675, 1676, felt more
^''' In, or a Portion of the prefent Head of Tidewater. It is ufually
Town of Berwick, Maine. The written Squamjcot They were fo
River bears the Name of Nezveche- named by the Indians on account
Wiitniik or as it is now written — of fome peculiarity and for the fame
Newirkiiwannock. Caufe the Falls in the Connefticiit
"■'This Name was changed to River, elfewhcre noticed, bore the
Cccheco, long fince; the principal Name of Swam/cot. Mr. John
Settlement upon it taking the Name Wheelwright purchafed a large
of the River. It is now Dover Traft of Country including thefe
-' The principal Settlement was Falls, in 1629, and in 1637 fettled
fo called, and finally Durham. there, called the Place Exeter, and
"■■' This is the Name of the Falls thus became the Founder of New
in a Branch of the Pafcataqua, at the Hampfliire.
5 ] with the Indians in New-E?2gland. 7 7
or lefs of the Rage and Cruelty of the barbarous and perfidious Indians belonging to that Side of the Country, as fliall more particularly be de- clared in what [5 J follows, after a lliort Difcourfe of the firft Planting that Side of the Country which may ferve as a kind of Prologue to the following Tragedy. 9°
This Part of New- England began firft to be planted about the fame Time with Virginia^ viz. in the Year 1606. There the firft Letters Patents granted by the King for the Limitation of Fir- ginia, did extend from 34 to 44 Degrees of North Latitude, and was divided into two Parts, namely the firfl: and the fecond Colony ; the former was appropriated to the City of London, the other to the Cities of Brifloly Exeter, and Town of Plimout/j, each of which had Laws, Priviledges, and Authority for the Government and advancing their feveral Plantations alike, as faith Capt. Smith in his general Hiftory of Virginia and New- England. This fecond Colony of New- England promiling but little Advantage to the Under- takers, by Reafon of its mountainous and rocky Scituation, found but few Adventurers forward to promote the Planting thereof, after the Death of Sir John Pophafn, who was the firfl that ever
^" The Geograpliy of the Coaft tion of the Bays, Rivers, Harbors
of Maine being much better known and Iflands of that extenfively in-
than in the Author's Time, Notes dented Seaboard, the Student will
here to ekici'ate it would be out of find Gratification in recurring to
Place. For an interefting Defcrip- WiWi-dmions HiJIory of Maine. K2
7 8 A Narrative of the Troubles [5
procured Men or Means to polTefs it ; for when the main Pillars are removed, what can be ex- pected but that the whole Building fliould fall to the Ground ? Yet, notwithftanding the Difcour- agements the firft Planters met withal in their firft Winter feafoning, in that cold and rocky Defert (which made them all return Home in the Year 1608,) did Sir Francis Pophcwi his Son, having the Ships and Provilion which remained of the Company, and fupplying what was necel- fary for his Purpofe, fend divers Times to the Coalis for Trade and Filhing, of whofe Lofs or Gain, as faith my Author,^' himfelf was belf able to give Account. And fome of the Ships fent by him, and the Earl of Southampton, with other noble Adventurers, did bring Home a Son of the Natives of the Place in one of the next following Years, by whofe Informations, fome of the firft Undertakers were encouraged once more to try the verity of their Hopes, and fee if poffibly they might find Something that could induce a frefli Refolution to profecute fo pious and honourable a Work.9^-
But in the mean Time before there was yet any Speech or Endeavour tg fettle any other Plantation in thofe Parts, that about Sagadehock being thus abandoned for the prefent by the firft Undertakers, the Frenchmen immediately took
^' Capt. Smith. Sec his Hijhric ^2 See Mather's Ear/y HiJI. Niw
of Virginia, Sec, ii, 174, Edition £/?^^//'/;/rt', Page 53, &c., where thcfe Richmond, 18 19. Events are more fully fct forth.
6 ] with the India ns in New- Kngland. 7 9
the Opportunity to fettle themfelves within our Limits, which being underftood by thofe of Vir- ginia, they difcreetly taking into their confid- eration the Inconveniences that might arife by fufFering them to harbor there, Sir Samuel Argal was fent with , Commiffion to difplace them, which he with great Difcretion, Dex[6]terity and Judgment performed about the Year 161 3. The which made Way for the Plantation at Nova- Scotia, granted afterwards by King Jajnes to Sir William Alexander, one of his Majefties moft Honorable Council of Scotland. The faid Argal feized the Forts which the Frenchmen had built at Mount Manfel, St. Croix, and Port Real, and carried away their Ordnance, with other Provifions, to the Colony of Virginia, to their great Benefit. The faid Places were held by the Englifh divers Years after, till about the Year 1635, by Commiffion from the Scotch Lord aforefaid ; but how his Right came afterwards to be alienated to any of the French Nation, doth not concern us with Reference to the Bufinefs in Hand, further to enquire.
Things remaining in this Pollure for the Space of near feven Years, fome of the firft Adventurers apprehenfive of better Hopes of good that might enfue by a frefh Attempt, refolved to fet the Defign a Foot a fecond Time ; to which End, feveral Ships were fent on that Account in the- Year 161 5, but with as bad Succefs as the former; for in the Year before, viz. .1614, Capt. St?iith
8o A Narrative of the Troubles [6
delirous to promote the Colony of New England, as well as that of Virginia, came thither with two VelTels, and returned back to England in the leiTer of them, with intent to be there again that next Year to promote the faid Plantation ; But after he was gone, one Tho?nas Hunt, Mafter of the Ship, he left behind, like a wicked Varlet, to prevent the carrying on the Plantation; that he and a few Merchants might wholly enjoy the Benefit of the Trade of the Country, after he had made his Voyage, feized upon four and twenty of the poor innocent Natives, that in Confidence of his Honefty, had put themfelves into his Hands; then clapping them under Hatches, carryed them away to Malego, whither he was bound with the Fiili he had made upon the Coaft, for that Market :93 But this vile Aft, although it kept him fore\^er after from any more Imployment in thofe Parts, yet that was the leaft Part of the Mifchief that attended his wicked Practice; for upon the Arrival of the Adventurers Ships the next Year, two Natives of the Place that had been fome Years in England, and coming back unto the faid Ships, as foon as they underftood the Injury fo treacheroufly done to their Coun-
''•' It is hardly probable that the he might realize from the Sale of true Caufe of Hunt's kidnapping thofe Indians ; for, his being de- Operation was underftood by the barred further Employment " in Author. It would rather feem that thefe Parts/' is Evidence that he in- Hunt did not imagine that ftealing tended to continue his Traffic here a few Indians would operate to cut in the fame Line, which he could off future Commerce, but that his not have expedcd to do if the Re- fole Objedl was the immediate Profit fuk was as ftated by the Author.
7 ] with the hidia7ts hi jVew-Eng laiid, 8 1
trymen, they contracfted fuch an Hatred againfl our whole Nation, that ahhough one of the faid Natives dyed foon after, yet the other, called Epenow, ftudied how to be revenged, which he fo far found Means to effedt, that he fruftrated this fecond Attempt of fetling a Plantation in thefe Parts.94
Yet did not the Adventurers caft off all Hope of carrying on their Defign, wherein Providence within a few Years after fo favoured them [7] that one or more of the Salvages called Tifquantiim and Samofet,^'' carried away by Hunt, was brought back to New-found Land, from whence he was foon after conveyed by the prudent Endeavour of Capt. Majon"^^ (then Governour of the Plantation begun upon New-found-Land) into the Hands of fome of the Adventurers, by whofe Means they hoped to work a Peace betwixt the faid Natives on that Coaft where the Fire had been kindled before, for the Adventurers imployed Capt. Thomas Darmer, a prudent and induftrious Gentleman, to fettle the Affairs of the Plantation,
'^•' I have pretty fully narrated come from Sir Ferciinando's Colony
thefe Tranfaftions in the Book of of Somerfet, they took his Pronun-
the Indians, and in the Hiffory and ciation of the Name of that Place to
Antiquities of Boflon. be his own Name.
' -J Suppofcd by fome to have de- ■"' There were three Captain Ma- rived his Name from Somerfet, a fons living at this Period, which has Traftof Country in Maine fo named led at leaft one of the Writers on by Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and that New England Affairs into crediting when Samofet appeared among the one with what belonged to another. People at Plimouth, in attempting to This Capt. Mafon, was never in make them underftand that he had New England. He died in 1635.
82 A Narrative of the Troubles [7
now a third Time revived again about Keniiibeck in the Year 161 9, or thereabouts. By his Pru- dence and Care a lafting Peace was made betwixt the Natives of the Place, and the Englilli, who were but a little before fo abhorred by them, for the Wrong formerly received : fo as the Planta- tion began at laft to profper, and continue in good liking, and alTurance of the Friendship of their Neighbours, that had been lately {q exafperated againft them. This Tijquantum forementioned was not a little inftrumental and helpful to the Plantation begun at New-Plimouth about the fol- lowing Year, viz\ 1620. In their weak Begin- nings, there being frequent mention of his Name, as alfo of one Samofet, a Native of the fame Place, by the like Providence brought back to Kenni- beck, and from thence with Tifquantiun came to the New-planters at Patuxet or Plimouth, and brought them into acquaintance with Majfafoit, the great Sachim about thofe Parts ; without whofe Friendship that New Plantation would hardly have fubfifted long.^^
This Story premifed is the more to be minded in this Place, becaufe the Friendship upon the Means and Occafions aforefaid, confirmed betwixt the hidians in thefe Eaftern Parts, and the Eng- lifli, had continued ftedfaft and conlfant to this Year, when it was broken by another treacher- ous and wicked Practice of a like Nature, and
•'■ Sec Vol. I, Pages 44-49.
8] with the Indians in JVew-England. 83
Parallel to that of the forefaid Hunt : As may more fully be declared afterwards.
Poffibly the like Satisfadiion may prove the more probable Means to procure a fettled Peace. But to return, whence this Degreffion hath been made. Some Years were fpent to bring Things to this Iffue. The Adventurers were put to much Care and Pains before they could get their Patent confirmed, and renewed again ; many Obftruc- tions they met withal from fome Interlopers that began to look into the Trade of this Country, and would irregularly have had a Share therein, or made it common to all Traders, to which End they petitioned to a Parliament then called, to bring about their Ends ; but at the laft it was fettled firmly in the Hands of fundry noble and worthy Patentees, Lords, [8] Knights, Gentlemen, and Merchants, commonly known by the Name of the Council of Plimouth, who had the abfolute Power under the King, for making all Grants, and difpofing of all Lands from the \oth to the \%th Degrees of North Latitude ; All which was accompliflied about the Year 1 6 2 1 . Some printed Relations that fpeak of thefe Tranfadiions, write much of the flourilhing State, and hopeful Prof- perity of this Plantation, publiflied about forty or fifty Years fince, yet did it never appear by what followed, that any confiderable Advantage did ever accrue to the firfl Undertakers from this their new Plantation of the Eaftern Parts, unlefs by the Trade of Fifh, and Furs, which latter con-
84. A Narrative of the Troubles [8
tinued not long ; As for the former, the chief Benefit redounded only to them that managed it by their own particular Stocks, and perfonal Endeavours : And if without Offence it may be fpoken, the Multitude of Patents foon after granted to feveral Gentlemen of broken Fortunes have provided but Places of an honourable Exile or Confinement, whither many deferving Perfons of better Education than Fortune, were put to jQiift for themfelves in a Foreign Land, without being further troublefom to thofe nearer Home, on whom they had their Hopes and Dependance; yet it muft not be denied but that fome of the Undertakers were at vaft Expences, cafting their Bread upon thefe Waters, where none of their Friends and Relations have as yet had Opportunity to find it.
The Reafon of which is not hard to give, in Reference to all thofe Lands and Territories that lye to the Eaftward of Pajcataqua River. One main Caufe hath been the Multiplicity of Grants and Patents for the dividing of the faid Trad: of Land : for befides the Strife that hath been occa- fioned by the Intricacy and Indiftinftnefs of their Liberties and Bounds (enough to have maintained a greater Number of Lawers, than ever were the Inhabitants), if the Grantees had been fup- plyed with Monies proportionable to their Suits and Controverfies about their Bounds and Jurif- didtions, which fometimes they have been ready to decide with their Swords, witnefs thofe fatal
9 ] with the Indians in New-England. 8 5
Names impofed on fuch Accounts upon fome Places belonging to thole Parts as Bloody-Point, Black and Blew Point,')'^ and every confiderable Parcel of Land being by Patent granted to feveral particular Perfons, hindered the erecting of Town- fhips and Villages, which if it had been otherwife difpofed of, might have been full of Towns, and well peopled, and thereby the Inhabitants had been able to have ftood upon their Guard, and defended themfelves againft the common Enemy; whereas now they were but Xi^L^fcops digolute, for like his Arrows, that being bound up in one Bundle, could not be broken by an ordinary Force; but being loofe, were eafily fnapt [9] afundcr, by any fmgle Hand. Another Reafon might be, the imploying of fuch Agents and In- Jirii?nents as either wanted Skill or Fidelity to manage what they were betrufted with, which made many of the Adventurers long ago com- plain, that (inftead of Bills of Excha?2ge and other Returns which they expedied) they received no- thing but large Inventories of the Wants of their feveral Plantations, and the Servants fent over to
9-' A Gentleman of Maine, many blueifh Appearance in the Winter Years ago, informed the Editor, that Thefe Definitions arc doubtlefs cor- Black Point was fo named from the reft. They are both in the Town Appearance given to it by hemlock of Scarborough. As to the Pro- Timber; that being the principal montory called Bloody Point, it is Growth upon it. This in the Winter quite likely it may Ijave received its Time gave it its black Appearance ; Name from fome of the many per- and that the Point to the Weft of fonal Encounters thereabouts. Its It, being covered with Wood of the Locality 1 have not found. It may hard kind, as Oak, &c., it wore a have been Black Point L2
86 A Nar^ rat ive of the Troubles [9
improve them, which were all the Returns that many of them ever received for the large Sums of Money many difburfed for the carrying on their Affairs.
A third Reafon may be the feveral Changes of Government the Inhabitants have palled under, which have occalioned not only much Vexation and Expences to fuch as were upon the Place ; but much Difcouragement to feveral others, who by the Commodioufnefs of the Seat, would wil- lingly have chofen Station in thofe Parts, had they feen any Hope of a fettled Government ever like to have been obtained ; which is not hard to demonftrate, hy giving a little Touch as we pafs along, on the feveral Changes of Government, the Places forementioned have been moulded into, and the feveral Proprietors that of late have claimed Intereft in the Land. In the Year 1624, a Patent was granted by the Council of Plimouth the grand Proprietors, to Capt. Majon for a large Trad: of Land about Pafcataqua ; but it not be- ing diftin6tly bounded, himfelf with Sir Ffr^. Gorges, obtained a joynt Patent in the Year 1639, for the Land betwixt Sd2(i de Hock Baft, and Naiim Kcag Weft ; but that alfo interfering with the Bounds granted before that Time to fundry Gentlemen and Merchants that had obtained a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack ; Capt. Mafons Bounds were afterwards by Confent (as is faid) of his Agent or Agents, reduced to fome Branches about
I o] with the India?7s i7t New- England, 8 7
Fafcataqua River (who yet could not agree with thofe that adied in the Name of ShrewJbury-^Qw) but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietor or his Succeffors (till of late Days) was by the Defire of the Inhabitants yeilded up to the Majfachujlts Government, near twenty Years fmce.99
In the Year 1630, a Patent was granted by the faid Council of 'Piimouthy (ligned by the Earl of Warwick, and Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and fealed with the common Seal of the Council aforefaid) to John Dye, Thomas Loupe, Grace Harding, and John Roach of London, for a large Trad: of Land on the South of Saga de Hock forty Miles fquare by the Sea-lide, and fo up into the Country : John Dye aforefaid, and his Partners took in another as Partner and Alfociate with them, Mr. Richard Du?7imer^°° oi Newbury in New-England, in the Year 1638, to whom they delivered the original Patent, with an Order from them and in their Name, to take up the Land defcribed in the Patent ; but he being denied Oppor- [10] tunity to effed it, as alfo a Ship formerly fent by the Patentees for that End, not accomplifliing their
99 For fome further Elucidation Dummer, the well-known Author
of the Statements in the previous of the Defence of the New-Efigland
and following Paragraphs upon the Charters. Jeremiah was the younger
Geography of the Coaft of Maine, Brother of Gov. William Dummer,
the Antiquary is referred to Bel- and brother of Anna, who married
knap, Hijhry of New liampjhire, John Powell, Efq, of Bofton. From
^oM'om, Hijiory of Saco and Bidde- this Marriage are defcended the
ford, and Willis, ////?. Portland, prefent Wm. P., and Jonathan
If'" The Grandfather of Jeremiah Mafon of Bofton.
88 A Narrative of the l^roiibles \\o
Defire, they not long after fold all their Intereft in the faid Patent, to one Mr. Kigby^°^ a LancaJJjire Gentleman, who made Mr. Ckaves'°- his Agent to manage the Bufinefs of his purchafed Intereft in the faid Patent : to whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the original Patgnt, which ac- cordingly he did : What Trouble was occalioned foon after between the faid Mr. Cleaves, and Mr. Vines^°^ Agent for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, is well known to the Inhabitants of the Place, and need not be here mentioned; nor yet how the faid Mr. Rigby came afterward to lofe his Intereft (at leaft with the Inhabitants) in the Patent.
'I" Col. Alexander Rigby. He was a SergeanC-at-Law, and one of the Barons of the Exchequer. Wil/is, 81. He was a Son of Ed- ward Rigby. During Gov. Lc- veretf's Agcncv at the Coun of England he referred to a Petition of Mr. Geo. Rigby refpedling Lands in Maine. See Hutchinfon, CoUe£iion of Papers, 274, 320.
1*'- An extended and interefting Account of Mr. George Cleves may be found in WiUiamfon's Hijiory of Maine, i, 668-9. ^^^ ^'^° Sullivan, Hijl'jry of Maine, 312, &c. Thofe bearing the Name at the prefent Day arc probably his Defcendants.
!"■' Mr. Richard Vines. There are confidcrable Materials for a Biography of this Gentleman. He occupies a confpicuous Place in the early Affairs of New England, Why his Name docs not appear in our Biographical Didtionarics, their
Authors ought to be able iatisfac- torily to explain. He appears to have been an Epifcopalian. It would be interefting to know his Relationfhip, if any exifted, to the famous old Puritan of the fame Name and his Cotemporary. There is an elaborate Biography of ihe Latter in Brooks's Liz'es of the Puritans, but nothing about his Family. Our Richard was one of the firll Engliflmien who ventured almoft alone to winter amongft the Indians in Maine, fleeping with them in their fmoky Cabins, and minif- tcring to their Wants in Sicknefs. He came over as early as I 609, in the Employ of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. He finally left the Country after a Rcfidence of about 22 Years, and fettled in Barbadoes. Sec Hutch- infon, ColleBion of Papers, 1 1 2, 122-3, where Letters from him may be fccn.
I o] with the Ir}dia77S iri New-England. 8 9
In the Year 1632, Sir Ferdinand Gorges not refting in the joynt Patent obtained for himfelf and Capt. Mafon, obtained a diftindl Patent for himfelf, and got it confirmed by King Charles the iirfl: of blelTed and famous Memory, for all that large Tradt of Land from Saga de Hock to Pajcataqua River, and fo about an hundred Miles up into the Country, by the Name of the province of Maine. '°''- What Benefit and Improvement was ever made thereof by his Agents or Succelfors is beft known to themfelves : But for the Inhabi- tants, who upon one Account or another had been induced, either by any precedaneous Grant or Liberty from himfelf, or his Agents, to take up any Land within the Bounds of the faid Province ; they finding much Inconvenience and Trouble for Want of an orderly and fettled Government, did at the laft petition the General Court of the Maffdchujets to be taken under their Jurifdi(5lion and Government (referving the Liberties and Priviledges of their former Purchafes and Grants, as to Title, Pojfeffion and Propriety, to themfelves) which was granted them, though not only and altogether upon the Grounds on which it was de- fired by the Petitioners. Yet notwithfi:anding all this, were not Things fettled either to the Comfort or Content of the Inhabitants : for fometimes fome demanded Right or Jurifdidtion over them by Virtue of Sir Ferdinandd' s Patent,
"'^See Hutchinfon, Colle8ion of Original Papers, 423.
90 A Narrative of the Troubles [i i
Ibmetimes Commiffioners imployed by his High- nefs the Duke of Tork^^°^ attempted to fettle a Government amongft the People ; Ibmetimes they tried what might be done by Agreement amongft themfelves : but after their Return for England^ by one Means or other, the Govern- ment relapfed again into the Hands of the Majfa- chufets, although a SiiperJ'edeas thereunto feems to have put by an Order from his Majefty this laft Year.'°6
By thefe feveral Vicifjitudes and Changes of Government, the flourifliing of the faid Province hath been much obftru6ted, which elfe might have been much advanced, and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity [ii] to have fecured themfelves againft the late barbarous Incurlions of the Indians, and poffibly thofe Exorbitancies that many of the prefent Proprieters have run into, to the juft Provocation of the Indians, might thereby have been prevented, and fo the Mif- chief alfo which hath enfued, might thereby have have been averted : for a well ordered Govern- ment would never have fuffered thofe things that now were connived at, which if they had been timely lookt intobyfuch as had abfoluteorpolitive
i"-'^ James Stuart, fecond Son of Nicholas, Synopjis, ii, 708. King Charles I, declared Duke of '" ' A good deal of partial Light
York at his Birth, but not fo created is thrown on the Tranfaftions of
until 27 Jan., 164.3; afccnded the this Period by a Narrative of the
Throne as King James II, 6 Feb., Commiffioriers from E7igland, about
1685, when tliis Dukedom became New England, in Hutchinfon's
merged in the Crown. Sir N. H. Colle£lion of Papers. Sqq page 422.
1 1 ] with the Indians in New-England. 9 1
and unqueftioned Power of Rule in their Hands, would have been otherwife ordered, the prefent Mifchief that is come upon thole Places, might thereby have been, if not prevented, yet more ealily redrelfed, than now is like to be.
As for the Tra6t of Land that lies Eaftward beyond Kenniheck, betwixt that and Pemmaquid, it is faid to have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth^°'^ and his Succelfors, who was Alderman of Brijiol, and one that had a Patent thereof, and imployed fome as his Agents, that did fometimes relide upon the Place ; and was lately fettled in fome Order of Government by his Highnefs the Duke of Tork^s Commiffioners, by whom alfo was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the Indians in thofe Parts, and the Englijh, at a Court kept by their Appointment in Kenniheck^ which if it had been obferved, might in all Probability have prevented in a great Meafure the Quarrel which is now fain out betwixt the Englijlo and the faid Indians : For upon fome Jealoulies of the riling of thofe Indians about twelve or thirteen Years lince, it was agreed, That if any Mifchief
1"* March nth, i 582, Sir Fran- faid Mr. Aldworth replied, that the
cis Walfingham wrote to Mr. Weftern Voyage intended for the
Robert Aldworth, then Mayor and Difcovery of the Coaft of America,
Merchant of Briftol, commending to the South weft of Cape Breton,
his good Inclination to the Weftern was well liked there, and that the
Difcovery, and recommending to Merchants of Briftol fubfcribed one
add the two Ships or Barks he was thoufand Marks immediately to it,
then fitting out, to the Fleet of Sir &c. See Barrett's Hijiory of Brijiol,
Humphry Gilbert; to which the 176.
92 A Narrative of the Troubles [12
lliould happen to be done by the Eiiglijh or Indians one againft another, though it were to the killing any Perfon, neither Side Ihould right themfelves, but Complaint Ihould be made to the Sagamores^ if the Indians did the Wrong, and to the Court if it were done by the Eriglijh. Both which did promife Satisfaction Ihould be made for the pre- venting any Quarrel ; the Names of the Sacbims, as likewife of them that were in Power at the Court, do ftill remain upon publick Record. But Matters of Government in thofe Parts being fmce collapfed, no Authority more than what was meerly Voluntary and Perfwafive being owned, Things are brought to that miferable State, which follows next to be declared.
Ever lince the fir ft fettling of any Englifh Plantation in thofe Parts about Kennibeck for the Space of above fifty Years, the Indians always carried it Fair, and held good Correfpondence with the Englilh, until the News came oi Philip's Rebellion, and rifmg againft the Inhabitants of Plimouth Colony in the End of June 1675. After which Time, it was apprehended by fuch as had the Examination of the Indians about Kennihccky that there was a general Surmife amongit them, that they fliould [12] be required to afTift the faid Philip, although they would not own that they were at all engaged in the Quarrel. The like Jealourlie did appear in all the Indians that inhabited to the Eaftward of Pafcataqua, which plainly fliews that there was a Defign of a gen- eral rifing of the Indians againit the Englijh, all
12] with the Indians in New-Rn gland. 9 3
over the Country/"^ (poffibly as far as Virginia,^°'i the Indians there making Infurredtion the fame Year) and that many if not mofh of them were willing it fhould fucceed, although the elder and wifer of them liked it not, fearing the IlTue, as they had Caufe : But many of the Young Men about Cafco Bay, and Amonofcoggan were certainly known to flock thither the laft Year, and did, Sundry of them, come fliort Home."° For herein they a6ted but like Salvages, as thofe in Virginia did fifty Years before, lliewing them- felves friendly and courteous to their new Neigh- bours, till they had an Opportunity to do them Mifchief.'" So that notwithftanding many of the Inhabitants in the Eaftern as well as in the Weftern Parts of the Country, that were wont
1"^ Although this was the preva- lent Opinion of that Time, it does not appear to have been true. In all of the Tribes and Clans of In- dians, the Propenfity of the young Men for War is and always has been manifeft, and that many of thefe were glad of an Opportunity to indulge that Propenfity is clear; but that there was any fyftematic Confpiracy between the Indians in the Eaft and King Philip does not appear to be borne out by the Fads. For it is very certain that but an inconfiderable Part, even of the Indians in Weftern Maflachufetts were expedling a War, at the Time this War began. Our Author has himfelf obferved, that, when the M2
War firft broke out, many of the Inland Indians were amazed, and for fome Time wavered, not know- ing what to do.
'" ' This has reference to what is called Bacon's Rebellion, and a War between the Virginians and the Sufquehannah Indians. See Holmes's Annals, i, 385.
I'^That is, they were killed, or did not come Home at all.
' 1 ' The Blow was as terrible on Virginia as this War was upon New England. It was of fhort Duration, beginning on the 22d of March, 1622, under the Direction of a noted Chief named Opekan- kanough. See Book of the Indians. Book iv. Chap, ii. Page 361..
94 A Narrative of the Troubles [12
to trade with the Indians, were not willing to be- lieve any liich Purpofe amongft them, but were ready to think fome of the ruder fort of the Englijh, by their imprudent and irregular Actings, had driven them into this Rebellion ;"^ yet it is too evident, that the faid Indians (who naturally delight in bloody and deceitful Adlions) did lay hold of any Opportunity that might ferve for a
• '-' The Author has, in nearly all fuch Cafes, avoided Specifications, The Enormities of the Englifli could not always be kept out of Sight, and yet the Hiftorians of the Time have barely given us but an apologctical glimpfe of them in a few Cafes. Original Depofitions in the Editor's Polfeilion relate to what is fo vaguely ftatcd in the Text: On the 13th of Nov., 1676, Thomas Miller, aged about 42, depofcd before CommiiTioner Elias Stileman, at Strawberry Bank, that being at Feall [Fayal, one of the Azores] he met with a VefTel which had come in fome feven or eight Days before, which, on Inquiry he learned was from "Bofting," having failed thence about " Crcfmas,' or before. Saw Indians on board, but how many he could not tell, but being on Shore next Day, and in Difcourfe with " Mr. Fiflier about the Ketch and the Indians, he told me he had proffered the Merchant thirty feven or thirty eight Pipes of Cong Wines for his Indians. He faid to me there were feventeen He further learned thev
were gotten at the Eaftward, and that the VelTel (Ketch) belonged to Mr. 'Lines.' ''
At the fame Time " John Sher- burn, aged about 26, and William Rackliffe, aged about 46,"' teftified, " That fometime the lail: Aprill, being in Fyall, they faw a fmall Ketch there which came from New England, and had feverall Indians aboard. One of us faw about five or fix, the other about half a fcore, and foii.e of the Company faid they brought faid Indians from New England, and got them to the Eaft- ward. Thev faid the Ketch was Mr. Lines's and belonged to Bofton ; but we remember not the Name of cither of Ketch or Mailer or Mer- chant. The Indians were landed the Day before we came away. Wee afkt the Company what par- ticular Place they had them from at the Ealhvard, but they would- not tell us." Sherburne was Mate, and Racliffe Boatfwain of the Ship " Im- ploymcnt." They were before the CommiiTioner "in Company with Capt D.miel and Mr. William Vaughan.''
12] with the Indians in Ncw-Engiand. 9 5
Pretence to be put upon their barbarous Practices. The Indians about Wammefet and Pafcataqua, that had joyned with their Country-men in their riling againft the Englijh the laft Winter, when they were pinched with Hunger in the cold Winter following, returned back to the Englijh, and deiired to make Peace, and firmly engaged to continue their wonted Friendfhip ; yea fome of them as if they were really forry for their Murthers and Cruelty, of their own voluntary Motion, came with the Prifoners they had taken, and reiigned them up to the Etiglifi ; yet when their own Ends were anfwered, and another Op- portunity was offered of doing further Mifchief of like Nature, they prefently returned to their former Practice, as is well known of Simond and Andrew, that had killed fome, and led others Captive in the laff Spring from Bradford and iiZ^s'- i^d'rZ'///, who came in the End of y;/;zf to Maj. Walderns, bringing Home EngliOj Prifoners with them, "3 yet did the very fame Indians within lefs than two Months after join with the Amonofco^gan and Kennibeck Indians, in com- mitting the fad Tragedies that were laft adted in thofe Parts ; yet was he and the other his Partner fuffered to efcape for Want of fufhcient gaurding the Prifon, where they were put in Order to fur- ther Trial. But Sero fapiimt Phrgyes. It is hoped that we fhall after a few more Experiences of this
^'•^ This will be more particularly noticed a kv^ Pages hence.
96 A Narrative of the Troubles [13
Nature [13] learn to beware of this fubtle Brood, and Generation of Vipers. Ever fince Ejmnity was put between the Seed of the Woman, and the Seed of the Serpent, it hath been the Portion of her Seed in every Generation, and in every Na- tion, to meet with the fad efFed:s of that Enmity ; nor can they ever exped: to find better deaHng from any of the other Sort, further than either Fear of their Power, or Hope of Benefit by their Favour, may induce them to another Difpofition, as we the Inhabitants of New-Englajid have found by this late and fad Experience in Reference to thefe Pagans in the Weft amongft whom our Lot is caff ; they proving, as one fays of the Ma- hometans in the Eaft, like a Neft oi Horjiets, that if any one of them chance to be provoked, they will be all about his Ears that comes near them. But it is now Time to begin with the Particulars of the Tragedy it felf, that the Reader account not the Prologue too long.
It was fune 24, 1675, when the firfi: Mifchief was done by the Indians about Momit-hope: before twenty Days were over, the Fire began to kindle in thefe the moft Remote and moff Northernly Bounds of the faid Country, or two hundred and fifty Miles diftant, and upon this Occafion : fuly 1 1, 1675, a Letter was brought to Keniiibeck from one Henry Sawyer an Inhabitant of York, figni- fying the News of the Indians rifing about Pli- mouthy and that a Courfe was taken to difarm the
13] with the India?is ift New-England. 97
Indians along the Shore. This Riimor did fo far awaken the Inhabitants of thofe Parts, that the very next Day at a general Meeting of the Eng- lifi at one Capt, Pattijhals^^'^ Houfe, feveral offered themfelves as Voluntiers to go up the faid River of Kimiibeck, to make Difcovery of the Indians Fidelity, or elfe to fight them if Occafion were."5 The third Day after, marching up the River to ^(egefeck,^^^ they met with the Inhabitants of Ships Cot River, which is a River lying about twelve or fourteen Miles to the North-eaft of Kennibeck. Divers of the Indians thereabouts, by the Perfwafions of one Mr. Walker, ^'■'^ that ufed to trade with them, brought down an inconfi- derable Part of their Ammunition, as a few Guns, a little Powder and Shot, with a few Knives. About feven of the Kennibeck Indians, and five of thofe called Ammofcogging Indians, about Pegyp- fcot,^^^ (a River more Southward toward Cafco)
"■1 Farmer prefumed this was Sullivan Whijkeag, and by Rcfi-
Kichard Pattejkall, of Bofton, dents Whijgig.
1665, and Freeman 1673; but "^ Perhaps 5^;;///^/ ^F^Zf^r) who
according to Savage it was probably fubfequently married the Widow of
Robert Pattijhall, " a Captain and Andrew Augur. Her Hufband
Magillrate in the temporary County (Augur) was killed at Scarborough,
of Devon fhire. Me., and was killed See Page [25, forward. See alfo
by the Indians at Pemaquid in ¥o\km, l]iJio?-y of Saco, kc, 175.
1689. See alfo, Mather, Magnolia, I'S Since written Pejepfcot. It is
Book vii. Page 65. generally underftood to be the
ii«;'-ru- ij J- ^ • 1 Tra£t where Brunfwick now is ;
1'"^ This Proceedmg was certamly , u t j- r 1
u tr. . ..I, T J- .u . but the Indians feem to have ap-
enough to affirm to the Indians that i- , • , -r. r- , i-
^v, 17 itk I, j a \\t Pl'ed It to that Part of the adjacent
i-he hnglifn had commenced a War \ , ^
J? Andr
)on them. r,
Brun
li'^PofTibly the fame called by Bay.
the Englifn had commenced a War ^/'"^ ' - ^" ""^^ ' '"^ "' "'" '!"J'';'
th m Androicoggm, from what is imce
^ * Brunfwick Falls to Merry meeting
98 A Narrative of the Troubles [14
made this Shew of bringing in their Arms. Capt. Lake, Capt. Fattiflal, with Mr. Wijkval, in whole Hands was fettled a Kind of military Power for thofe Parts, were fent for to examine the faid Indians further, of whom upon Examina- tion they faw Reafon to fufpecfl fome, if not all ; whereupon they fent Melfengers thefecond Time to the A??imofcoggin Indians, and alio a Letter to Mr. Walker to fend down their Arms and Am- munition to them for their greater Security. "9 After Mr. Wifwall was returned Home, the five Anmiofcogging Indians aforefaid brought in their Guns, but with no good Intent [14] probably; for an Indian called Sowen, having an Axe in his Hand, itruck at one Hofea Mallet a French-xn2in, but was prevented from doing him Mifchief; however the faid Indian was prefently bound and put into a Cellar. Some of the EngHpj that ufed to trade with thofe Indians, were ready to execute the Indian, faying he was drunk, or that he was a diftradted Fellow ; but Mr. Wifwall with the other two Examinants lookt upon thofe as meer Excufes, and altogether Groundlefs ; for one of them to this Day affirms, that he was as Rational and Senfible as any of the Reft.
The ancient Indians being alked what they thought was meet to be done in the faid Cafe ?
11'-' It will fcarccly be doubted for them to plead that they mufl:
now that this Management was not have the Means to procure Game
alone fufficient to caufe the Indians or Ibrve, as they did on many
to begin a War. It was in vain Occafions.
1 4-1 with the Indians in New-England. 99
faid, he was worthy to die for fuch an Affront, yet they would be glad if his Life might be fpared, offering to be jointly bound in his Behalf, to pay forty Beaver-fkins at the next Fall Voyage, giving their Hands in Token of their Fidelity, and alfo leaving their Arms in the Hands of the EngUJii as a Pledg of their faithful keeping thofe Articles of Peace concluded on betwixt them. If they proved themfelves honeft Men, they were to have their Arms delivered them again, which was accordingly performed the lafh 'June^ 1676. They having in the mean Time carried them- felves peaceably toward the E?2glifli. The Day after, viz. July 19, 1675, an Indian of great Note amongft them, called Robin Hoo(i,^-° with great Applaufe of the Reft, made a Dance, and fung a Song to declare their Intent in what was tranf- ad:ed. And fo they parted, fetting the Indians at Liberty, that had engaged thus for their Friend Sowen the Indian ; but yet to this Day one Skin of Beaver was never paid to the Eng/ijh as was pro- mifed. The Indians all this Time were well provided for of Vid:uals by Capt. Lake^ with other Supplies of Rhum and Tobacco, even to the difgufting of fome Etiglifli then prefent.
But the Indians left as Hoftages upon Sowen s Account, how civilly foever they were treated, ran all away at the Laft, trufting more to the
120 His Indian Name was, at one Chief for many Years. I learn no Time, Wohiizva, and perhaps ^^- more of him than is contained in the megin at another. He was a noted Book of the Indians, 284.
too A Na rrat ive of the Tro ubles [15
Celerity of their own Feet than to the Civility of their EngUflj Friends ; who after they were ef- caped, joined with a Parcel of their Fellows foon after, about twenty in all, in robbing the Houfe of one Mr. Purchafe,^^^ an ancient Planter about Pegypfcot River, and a known Trader with the Indians. Whatever Wrong may be pretended by the faid Indians, as done them in their trading (of which more may be fpoken afterwards)'-^ that will no Whit excufe their perfidious Treachery and Falfehood in breaking Covenant with the EngUp, dillembling, and feeking all Advantages of Cruelty againft their Englijii Neighbours, of which in the following Winter and Summer, 1676, there will be a more full and undeniable Difcovery. This was done in the Beginning of September, i675.'-3 Thofe . /W/^wj- that firft af- faulted Mr. Pur chafe his Houfe, did no other Mifchief, [15] fave plundering it of ftrong Liquor, and Ammunition, alio killing a Calf or two, with a few Sheep, but no more than what they eat, and fpoiling a Feather-bed, by ripping it open to turn out the Feathers, contenting
1-' Mr. Thomas Pur chafe. He '-- Not much, liowcver, is found.
and George Way had a Grant of But the Nature of the Complaints of
Land between the Kennebeck and the Indians are cafily conjeftured.
Androfcoggin Rivers and Cafco An " Amonofcoggin Indian once
Bav, but its Date is not known, complained that he had given an
the Original having been long fince hundred Pounds for Water drawn
loft. Willis, IJiftor;^ of Portland, out of Mr. Purchafe his Well.'' See
64.. See alfo /?;//^, Table, Page 5 ; P^?^^ [77 of this Volume, and I. Mather, Brief nijhry,%(j. '-'-'Sept. 4th, 1675.
15] ''^ith the Indians in New-England, i o i
themfelves with the Cafe, which they might more eafily carry away. They offerred no InciviHty to the Miftrefs of the Houfe, (her Hufband and her Sons being at that Time from Home) yet one of her Sons approaching near the Houfe, and find- ing it polTelfed of thofe new Inhabitants, he rode away with all fpeed, and yet no fafter than there was Need ; for an Indian followed him with a Gun under his Coat, to have Shot at him, if he could by his Flattery and Diffembling have got him within the Reach of his Peice.
It is faid, that at the firft they ufed fair Words, and fpake of Trading ; but as they went away, told thofe of the Houfe, that there were others coming after, that would deal far worfe with them, which within a fhort Time after came to pafs, for thefe were but the MelTengers of Death, which was foon after inflicted, and that in a mod barbarous Manner upon fundry Inhabitants of the neighbouring Plantations,
The Englifli in thofe Parts being much in- cenfed hereat, twenty five of them foon after going up Cafco-Bay in a Sloop and two Boats to gather Indiafi Corn, and to look to what they had upon the faid Bay near Amonofcoggen River : When they came near the Houfes, they heard a Knock- ing and a Noife about the Houfes, and prefently efpied two or three Indians, who did not yet fee them : The Englijh being come a good Way from their Velfel, endeavoured to get between the In- dians and the Woods, which when they perceived, N2
1 02 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 1 6
they ran toward the Water-lide, but the Englifli in Purfuit killed one of them, and wounded an- other, who yet efcaped away in a Canoo crofs the River ; a third running back toward the Woods, fled to the other Indians, and acquainted them with what was done, who prefently came down, and lay in wait to intercept the Englijh, that thought of no Danger, but Scattered them- felves all about the Place to gather their Corn, and lade the Boats therewith ; but before they were ready to go away, the Indians coming down fired upon them, and forced them all into the Sloop ; had not fome of them been better pre- pared than the reft, they might all have been cut off, for fome little Refiftance being made by them that were ready with their Guns, it gave the Reft an Opportunity to get all into the Sloop, yet not without many Wounds : So with much ado, they all efcaped with their Lives, leaving the two Boats almoft laden with Corn for a Prey to the Indians, who prefently burned one, and plundered the other of all that was therein. Some are ready to think that [ i6] the Englifli did imprudently to begin the Quarrel, and not firft enquire into what the Indians were about in the Houfe, and feek Redrefs according to the forementioned Agree- ment made at the Court in Kennibeck. But if this hapned after what follows next to be related,'-'^
'"-'' Sept. 9th, 167 V Ii is hardly Employment here of a Figure of to be fuppofed that the Author did Speech whicli Logicians term Sub- not know which Affair happened terfuge, is rather probable, and for firft. That he is chargable wiih the Realons elfewherc explained.
1 6] with the Indians in New-England, 1 03
'uiz, that which was done to old JVakely ,^^^ and his Family (the EngliJJj can be blamed for no- thing but their.Negligence and Security, in that having alarmed their Enemies, they ftood not better upon their Guard) which is not very cer- tain. For 'tis thought that within a few Days after, or the next Week, more horrible Outrage was committed upon the Family of an Ancient Man, whofe Name was Wakely, an Inhabitant of Cajco-Bay, who had fome Years before removed from GhuceJIer, or Cape Anne, out of fome dif- content, which afterwards he often bewailed, re- folving either to have returned back, or elfe to have removed to fome fecurer Place ; but he was arrefted by the Sons of Violence, before he could effed: his Purpofe. This old Man with his Wife, his Son, and his Daughter in Law (at that Time great with Child) with three grand Children, were cruelly murdered by thofe barbarous Salvages at one Time : another of his grand Children was taken alive, and led into Captivity. A Daughter of his was faid to be carried to Narhaganfet, which fhews they joined with the Southern Indians in the Rebellion. When once thefe Indians had imbrued their Hands in Englijh Blood, they were emboldened to the like bloody Attempts in the adjacent Places.
This Wakely lived fo far from Neighbours, or
'-■'He mult have been an old find him in Cafco Bay (Falmouth)
Gentleman in 1675, as he wi,s made as early as 1661. See Babfon's
a Freeman of Maffachufetts in 1 636, Hijiory of Gloucejler, 1 74 Hutch-
and was at Hingham in 1635. We infon. Col. Orig. Papers, 398.
1 04 A Narrative of the Tro ubles [ 1 6
or elfe was encompalTed with Creeks or Rivers, that no ReHef could prefently be fent to him: however Lieut. Ingerfon^^-^ of Cafco the next Day with a File of Men, repaired to the Place where his Houfe ftood, to fee what was the Reafon of the Fire they difcerned the Day before. There they found the Houfe burned to Aflies, the Bodies of the old Man and his Wife half confumed with the Fire, the young Woman killed, and three of the grand Children having their Brains dafhed out, and their Bodies were laid under fome oaken Planks, not far from the Houfe ; one Girl of about eleven Years old, was carried Captive by them, and having been carried up and down the Country fome hundreds of Miles, as far as Nar- haganjet Fort, was this laft 'June returned back to Major Walderns^ by one Squando the Sagamore of Saco .•'"'' A ftrange Mixture of Mercy and Cruelty. Soon after Capt. Bonithon s^'-"^ and Major Philip's
'^'-''George Ingerfoll. He lived 60 Years of Age, which pretty
at a Place called Capific, and was nearly agrees with the Author's
the firft who difcovered the Murders Statement of her Age when taken
at Mr. Wakely's. See Willis, HiJ- captive. See Folfom's Saco, &c.,
tory of Portland, 197. i 57, and Willis, Hijiory of Portland
•-'The "Girle" liberated by (firft Edition), i, 137. Squando was Elizabeth Wakely, as •'-"'^5^';/ 5o///'/y6o/;, Son ot Richard. . appears by a Dcpofition taken at Sullivan gives the Name Benython, Saco in 1723. Robert Evans tefti- and appears to have confounded ficd.t\\?Lt. "t\iQnovf Elizabeth Scam- John with his Father who " could man was brought in by the Indians never be cordial to Maffachufetts to Cochccho," and that her Name which had invaded and taken the was Elizabeth Wakely, who " fome Province of Maine from Gorges, time in a War that was called Philips The Parties were warm and abufive War, was taken at Cafco Bay, her in thof^ Times, which caufed an ill- Grand-Father and Father were kill- naturcd Infcription on the Grave of ed." She was then(i723j about the Patentee ; which Grave remains
17] with the Indians in New-E7tgland. 105
Dwelling were alTaulted ; one on the Eaft, the other on the Weft-fide of Saco River. It is faid, they had feafonable Notice of what was intended againft them by their barbarous Enemies. Thofe Amoncfcoggon Indians, viz. by an Indian of Saco, their Neighbour, better minded than the Reft of his [17] Country-men, who obferving a ftrange Indian coming to his Wigwam in Company with fome of his Acquaintance, one of whom informed him, after the Reft (with the Stranger) were gone, that the faid Stranger came from the Weft- ward, and that his Bufinefs was to purfwade the Eaftern Indians to fall upon the Englifti in their Dwellings here, as the Reft had done to the Weftward. Captain Bontthon, either upon this Information, or upon the Knowledge of what was done a little before at Cafco, had left his Houfe, and was retired over the River with his Family to Major Philips his Garrifon.'-9 Thus
on the Eaft Side of Saco River, at a '2'^ William Phillips, who removed
Place called Rendezvous Point, in from Bolton to Saco in 1660. His
thefe Words: Wife was the Widow of John San-
" Here lies Benighton the Sagamore of ford of Rhode Ifland, and Mother
Saco, of Peleg Sanford, Governor of that
" He lived a Rogue, and died a Knave, Colony from l68otOl682. He
and went to Hockomoco." ^^3 ^ j^^^^ ^^ extenfive Bufincfs,
That this Infcription was to John and became one of the largeft Land- and not to his Father Richard, it holders in the Country. The Con- would be eafy to (how. The latter nexion between the Family of Major died in 1 648, refpefted for his up- Philhps and the Hutchinfons of Bof- rightnefs, and fo far as known, with- ton,was the Occafion, probably of out Enemies ; while the Son had fome of the latter Family being pof- many Enemies, which his haughty fcffed of Lands at Saco, noticed by and turbulent Charafter had caufed, the Author a few Pages further on. and he died in 1684. See Page [24 and Note.
I o6 yl Narrative of the Troubles [17
two are better than one : for otherwife, both might have been deftroyed. For upon the eight- eenth of September following, being the feventh Day of the Week, about eleven a Clock, they at Major Philips his Garifon faw Capt. Bonithoiis Houfe on Fire on the Eaft-fide of Saco River, which by the good Providence of God was to them as the firing of a Beacon, giving them No- tice to look to themfelves, their Enemies being now come ; for otherwife, they might to their great Difadvantage have been too fuddenly fur- prized ; for within half an Hour after, they were upon them, when a Sentinel placed in the Cham- ber gave Notice that he faw an Indian by the Fence-fide, near a Corn-field. Major Philips not willing to believe till he might fee with his own Eyes, ran haftely up ; another of his Men, com- ing after, cryed Majier^ What mean you, do you intejid to be killed^ at which Words he turned fuddenly back from the Window, out of which he was looking, when prefently a Bullet fi:ruck him on the Shoulder, grazing only upon it, with- out breaking the Bone. The Indians upon the Shot, thinking he had been flain thereby (as they heard afterwards) gave a great Shout, upon which they difcerned that they were furrounded by them ; whereupon they prefently fired upon the Enemy from all Quarters, and from the Flankers of the Fortification, fo as they wounded the Cap- tain of the Indians^ who prefently leaving the Aflault, retired three or four Miles from the Place.
1 8 ] with the Indians in New-England, 1 07
where he foon after died, as they were informed. He counfelled them to leave the Siege, but they were refolved not fo to quit the Place, nor were thofe within, lefs refolute to defend it. One of the beft Men was foon after difabled from any further Service by a Wound which he re- ceived in one of the Volleys made upon them by the Affailants. But that no whit daunted the Reft of the Defendants, who continued ftill firing amain upon the Enemy : This Difpute lafted about an Hour, after which the Enemy defpair- ing to take the Houfe by AfTault, thought upon a Device how to burn it.
Firft, firing the Houfe of one of his Tenants, then his Saw-mill, after that his Corn-mill, hoping by that Means to draw them out of the Gar[i8]ifon to put out the Fire; but miffing of their Purpofe in that they called out, Tou Englijh cowardly Dogs^ co??ie out and quench the Fire : They continued this Sport all the Afternoon, continu- ally almoft without any Intermifiion firing upon them : The Befieged hoped for Relief from the Town, but none came. The Major ftill encour- aging his Men to ftand it out, which they man- fully did all that Night, when they were alarm'd almoft every half Hour ; and betwixt whiles they could hear their Axes and other Inftruments, knocking about the Mills till the next Day : They within the Houfe conceived they were pre- paring fome Engin wherewith to burn the Houfe, which proved accordingly ; for about four or five
I o8 A Narrative of the Troubles [ 1 8
a Clock in the Morning, at the letting of the Moon, the Major was called by one of his Men to look out, when he faw a Cart with four Wheels, having a Barricado built in the Forepart to keep off Shot, and filled with combuftible Matter, Birch-rinds, Straw, Powder, and Poles twenty Foot long, apt to Fire the Houfe. He bid them let them drive it within Piftol-fliot, before they made any Shot againft them : His Men were a little difcouraged at the Sight of this Engine ; but he bid them be of good Courage, and ufe the Means, putting their Truft in God, who he was confident would deliver them. The Cart, when brought a little nearer, became un- wieldy by Reafon of the Barricado planted in it, and being to pafs through a fmall Gutter, one Wheel ftuck faft in the Slough, which brought the Cart fuddeniy to the Left, whereby the Drivers lay all open to their right Flanker, when prefently they fired upon them out of the faid Flanker ; and having fo fair a Shot upon them, and not being above Piftol-fliot from the Place, they killed fix of the Enemy, and wounded fif- teen,'3° as they found afterwards, which no doubt made them too late to repent of their Refolution, not to follow their Captains Counfel and Example
' '" This was quite an ingenious by a fudden Shower of Rain which
Device for a movable Fortification, put out the Fire. Viewed as a re-
or Terraqueous Fire-pip. The fame markable Providence at the Time.
Artifice had before been rcforted to See Book of the Indians, B. iii, c. ii,
at Brookficld, it will be remembered, 214. I. Mather, Brief lliji., 67-70.
and was only prevented taking cffed Hoyt, Antiquarian Bejearches, loi.
1 9] i^ith the Indians in New-E7i gland. 109
in leaving the Siege, for now they prefently de- parted. So as at Sun-rife, they within the Houfe efpyed forty of them marching away, but how many more were in the Company they couid not tell.
The Indians it feemed went towards Blue-point, where it is faid they killed feveral Perfons : but thofe in the Houfe feared they went for more Help, and expected their Return ; but it feems their Courage failed them as to another Attempt upon an Houfe lb well garifoned, and manfully defended. Major Pbiiips fent to the Town for Help, acquainting them with what had palled, but none was fent them, either that Day, or the next : fo as having fpent almoll: all their Ammu- nition, the People that were with him, would not be perfwaded to tarry longer than the Thurfdav Morning, which conftrained him and his Family to remove to the Town ; about a Fortnight after, the Indians hearing thereof, came and burnt down [19] the empty Houfe. There were fifty Perfons in the faid Houfe during the Time of the Siege, and but ten able Hands : they had five more that could do fomething, but through Age or Minority not able to make any notable Refiftance ; yet it pleafed God, in whofe Hands are all Mens Lives and Limbs, and who is never wont to fail them who in Time of Danger are fo ready to confide in his Power and Goodnefs, as not to negle6t the ufe of due Means for their own Prefervation : fo to order Things that not one Perfon of all thofe O2
no A Narrative of the Troubles [19
fifty, was either killed, or mortally wounded. Major Philips himfelf was wounded, but not dan- geroully, at the Beginning of the Alfault : his Mills with other Edifices were the firft Day burned by the Enemy, and fo were all the Houfes at ^aco^ or mofi: of them foon after, that were above the Fifher-mans Stages. One Mrs. Hitcock being carried Captive by the Enemy from the fame Place, died in the Winter following, by eat- ing fome poyfonous Root inftead of a Ground-nut, as was reported by the Indimis afterwards.
Much about the fame Time, five Perfons going up the River of Saco, were all killed by the fame Indians ^^^'■
Thefe Tragedies being thus ad:ed at Cafco Bay, and S>aco, thofe barbarous Enemies difperfed them- felves in Parties, intending to do all the Mifchief they could to all the Englifh inhabiting about that Side of the Country. In the fame Month of September, they came down towards Pafcata- qua, doing the like Spoil upon the Inhabitants of the feveral Branches of that River, which they had been doing elfewhere : In the firft Place, they burned the two Chejlies^^- Houfes about
1'" The Name of this Captive was killed at Dover by the Indians, was doubtlefs Hitchcock. Richard 15th Nov. 1667, and refers to Bel- Hitchcock was at Saco in 1636, who knap, i, 72, as his Authority; but died in 1671. In his Wiil mention Belknap does not name Thomas is made of Wife Lucretia, and Child- Chcfley, nor has he any thing about rcn, Thomas, Jcruflia, Lydia, Ann, the Cheflies except what he has and Margaret. Far)ncr. Savage, copied from this Text of Hubbard,
and the Date is given correftly,
'•'-Savage fays Thomas Chcfley 1675.
19] "with the Indians in New-England. 1 1 1
Oyjler River, and killed two Men that were pall- ing along the River in a Canoo ; and carried away an old Irifli-man, with a young Man taken from about Exeter, who yet both of them foon after made an Efcape to a Garifon at Salmon Falls in Kittary, by the help of an Indian better minded than the Reft : the firft after feven Weeks the other after a Months Captivity.
Much about that Time, one Goodman Robin- fo?f^^ of Exeter with his Son, were travelling toward Hampton, where, as they [were] paffing a-long, they were way-laid by three Indians, viz. John Sampjon, Cromwel, and John Linde, who fhot down the old Man, whom they left dead upon the Place ; his Son, hearing the Guns efcaped their Hands by running into a Swamp whither the Indians purfued him, but could not overtake him, fo as he got fafe into Hampton about Mid- night, where he declared what befell him by the Way, and how narrowly he avoided the Danger, intimating likewife, that he feared his Father was killed, which was found too true, by Lieut. Swet'^"^
1:33 There was a John Robuifon of 1677, and on the 29th of April
among the firft Settlers of Haverhill, of that Year was drawn into an
Mafs., 1640. In 1657 he bought Anibufh and flain, with feveral of
a Houfe lot in Exeter and foon after his Men. See Hubbard's Hiflory
removed there. He was a Black- of New England, 632. He was
fmith, and was probably the Good- Son of John Swett of Newbury,
man Robinfon mentioned in the according to Topham's MS. Hifiory
Text. See Chafe, Hijlory of Ha- of Hampton, and married Hcfther,
verhill, 38, 45, 68. Daugher of Nathaniel Weare of
^^■^ Benjamin Swett, ■a.hQvv/a.rdsd. Hampton. Thomas Sweete came
Captain. He was in Command of to Newbury in 1634. See Founders
a Garrifon at Wells in the Spring of New England, 70.
112 A Narrative of the Troubles [20
who the next Day with a Dozen Soldiers of the Town went to fearch thofe Woods, where they found the poor old Man, fliot [20] through at his Back, the Bullet having peirced through his Body, and was flopped by the Skin on the other Side : Another of Exeter, called Foulfam,^^^ was at the fame Time driving a Pair of Oxen in the fame Road : where, foon after he heard the Re- port of the Guns when Robmfon was killed, he efpyed the three Indians creeping upon their Bel- lies towards him, to do as much for him as they had done for Robin/on ; but leaving his Oxen, he put on his Horfe with all Speed, and fo was de- livered from the Danger that the other fell into; it is reported that one of the Indians made a Shot at him, but he was either gotten out of their reach, or elfe they miffed their Aim at that Time, The fame Indians had a little before met with another Englifli-man in thofe Woods, one Charles Rand/et ;'^^^whoin they carried Captive, although he foon after efcaped out of their Hands by the Help of another Indian called Jajnes. It is faid7
i'"^'' Probably John Fouljkam, feen it fo printed clfewhere. Charles
who went to Exeter, N. H., from ^^»^/?/ was the Anceftor ofa highly
Hingham, Mafs'., about 1659. He refpeftable Family, one of whom
emigrated from Hingham, England, was a Printer and Bookfcller many
1638, married Mary, Daughter of Years in Exeter. Henry llanlet
Edward Gilman. Farmer. Savage was Printer to the General Court
'•'•'Thofe who defire to fee what of New Hampfhire, and in 1792
is contained in Savage's Diftionary printed the Laws of the United
upon the Family of ^,^»/r/mui1: look States for that State. One of our
underthe Head i?////^A'/.' The Name moft accomplifhed and able Sea
in Country Parlance is thus pro- Commanders of this Day, bears the
nounced, fomctimes, but I have never Name of the Indian Captive.
2 o] with the Indians in New- England. 1 1 3
there were four Indians of that Company, and that the fourth was fent away with Ra?2dlet, fo that there were but three feen together at the kilHng and purfuing the other forementioned. One of the faid Indians viz. yohn Sampfon, was killed by fome of Capt. Hathorns Soldiers at Cafco Bajy in Septefnber following 1 676, when the Scouts of our Forces came upon the Indians on the fud- den, and had a fmall Brufli with them, but all the Reft made iliift to get away : As for the other two, viz. Cromwell, and John Linde ;^^'^ one of them, it is faid, is fince killed, or taken and fold away, the other is at Kennibeck, whom Vengeance may alfo in due Time overtake, as it hath done the other.
Within a few Days after the barbarous Fad: at Oyjier-River, two Indians, viz. one named AndreWy^^^ and the other Hope-Hood, the Son of him called Robin-Hood, aftaulted the Houfe of one Tozer'^^"^ at N ewe chew annick, wherein were fifteen Perfons, yet all Women and Children, who with-
i'^''' There is a mournful Letter of an longed to Saco. His Career of
Indian ofthis name in Gen Gookin's Blood is traced as far as the Year
Hiftory, written during his Wander- 1677. See Book of the Indians, 275.
ings through the Wildernefs toward i'^" Richard Tozer, killed foon
Canada. He was a principal Pray- after, as will be feen in thefe Pages,
ing Indian among the Wamefits, His Refidence was about a Mile
and when that little Community of from Salmon Falls, N. H , in what
Friendly Indians was broken up by is fince known as the Old Garrifon
the ruthlefs Violence of fome neigh Houfe, a Portion of which exifts to
boring white Ruffians, he with a this Day. He married Judith Smith,
few others efcaped being ma'ffacred at Bofton, in 1656. Hon. John
by Fhght. Wentworth in iV. E. Hift.and Gen.
'^^He is believed to have be- Reg.,x\\\, 212; Vol. xviii, 50.
114 ^ Narrative of the T'roubh:^ |_2 1
out all doubt had all of them fallen into the mercilefs Hands of the two cruel and barbarous Caitiffs, had not a young Maid of about eighteen Years of Age firft efpyed them: who being en- dued with more Courage than ordinarily the reft of her Sex ufe to be (the Blelling of Jael light upon her) hrft fliut the Door, whereby they were denied Entrance, till the Reft within efcaped to the next Houfe, that was better fortified ; That young Virago^^° kept the Door faft againft them lb long till the Indians had chop'd it in Peices with their Hatchets : when entring the Houfe, they knocked the poor Maid down with their Hatch- ets, and gave her many other Wounds, leaving her for dead upon the Place ; after which they palfed on toward the next Dwelling ; in their Way meeting with two Children, that.had efcaped the Houfe firft broken open by them, they killed one of them, of three Years old, which could not follow faft [21] enough, or elfe they that carried it, could not convey it over a Fence foon enough to fave themfelves and it ; and carried away the other of feven Year old, which yet was returned fafe within half a Year after : The poor Maid that had ventured her own Life fo far, to fave many others, was by a ftrange Providence enabled
I'^An Appellation not exadllv bard's Time the Definition ot /^/Vrf^o
fuitcd to our Ideas of a Woman was fimply " a Woman ot manly
exerting her utmofi: Energies, and Courage;" whereas the Term is
cxpofmg her own Life to apparently now almoft cxclufivcly applied to
certain Deltrudion to fave the quite a different Clafs of Females.
Lives of others. But in Mr. Hub- Comparj AT^z/^j and Webjter.
2 1 ] with the Indians in New-England, 1 1 5
to recover fo much Strength after they were gone, as to repair to the next Garifon, where {he was foon after healed of her Wounds, and reftored to perfed: Health again.
The next Day toward Night more of the bar- barous Enemies being gathered together, they made another Aflault upon the neighbouring Dwellings.
The Englifh, as many as could be fpared out of the Garifon, (not above eight in Number) purfued after them about half a Mile, but Night coming on, it was judged beft to retreat, left otherwife they might have been intercepted in their return Home, by any of them lying in Ambufli, which is their ufual Way of doing Mif- chief. After divers Shot made on both fides, but five of the Enemies appeared; who yet took the Advantage of Captain IVincals^^"- Abfence, (whofe Dwelling was not far off) to burn his Houfe and Barn, with another Houfe, and two Barns more, where was much Englifh Corn ; above an hun- dred Bufhels was fuppofed to be in one of them. After they had done this Mifchief, they fled away.
The next Day after, the fame Indians, or others of their Fellows, came upon the other Side of the
'^' John IVincall. He was Son John WincalF in the Dojfon News
of Thomas of Watertown ; a Man, Letter and Weekly Journal, 1734,
it feems of much Activity in thofe but whether a Connexion of the
fearful Times. Very httle has been before mentioned Capt. W., I have
learned about his Family. See no Information. The latter died
Bond's Hii, of Watertown. There in 1694. Williamfon writes the
are Notices of the Death of a Capt. Name Wincoln.
1 1 6 A Narrative of the Troubles [22
River, from whence they fliot over feveral Times, to Ibme that were grinding in the Mill, but after the exchanging of many Shot on both Sides of the River, betwixt them, fix of the Enemy fhewed themfelves in the Twilight, uttering feveral info- lent and barbarous Speeches, calling our Men Englifli Dogs, &c. Yet all this, while out of reach of their Shot, and then they ran all away like Dogs after they had done barking.
After this, thofe very Indians^ as was fuppofed, burned five or fix Houfes about Oijier River, and killed two Men, viz. one William Roberts^^- and his Son in Law. The Inhabitants of Dover, with fome other refolute young Men, being much pro- voked by thefe many Infolencies and Injuries done by the Enemies, obtained Liberty from the Major of the Regiment, to try whether they could not meet with fome of the Indians, by fecret Ambufhes, and fculking amongfi: the Bufhes and Trees, as the Indians ufed to do with them, to which End about twenty divided themfelves into feveral fmall Parties : Soon after as they were looking after the Enemy, a Party of ours efpied five of the Indians, fome gathering [22] Corn in the Field, while the Reft of them were bufied in heating of an Oven to bake fome of the Fruit which they gathered alfo in the fame Field.
The Englifh were at fuch a Difiiance that they
^'-Notliing further has been dif- was a Captive among the Indians in
covered refpcding this Sufferer or Canada, and belonged to a neigh-
his Connexions. In one ofthe later boring Locality. See Nezv Hamp-
Indian Wars, one Alexander Roberts J}:ire Hijlorical Collegians, iii, 74.
2 2] with the Indians in New-R^tgland. 117
could not make any Sign to their Fellows, with- out being difcovered by the Indians in the Field ; wherefore two of them crept as near as they could to the Houfe, at one End of the Field, where they fuddenly ruflied upon two of the Wretches, and knocked them down with the butt End of their Mufkets, which was done filently ; but the other three in the Field took the Alarm, and fled away, who elfe might as eafily have been furprized as the other two.
Thefe Outrages thus daily committed, filled all the Plantations about Pafcataqua with Fear and Confufion ; fcarce any Place, where there was not either Reafon for fome to complain of the Lofs of their Friends, or burning of their Houfes, which caufed moft of them that lived fcatteringly, at any Diftance from their Neighbours, either to Garifon their Houfes, or elfe defert their own Dwellings, and to repair to their next Neigh- bours that were better fortified than themfelves ; but all the Inhabitants in thofe Parts in general, were alarmed to ftand upon their Guard.'+3
1^'^ In the midll: of thefe Diftrefles, mon Enemy, Doe commend it to the
Application from the Inhabitants be- honourable Governor and Councill
yond Portfmouth was made to the of the Mattachufets, that fome pre-
Commiifioners of the United Colo- fent Releife may be fent vnto them
nies at Bofton for Affiftance, as ap- according to the prefent Exigent;
pears by the following Memoran- the Charges whereof fliall be allowed
dum : in the general Account of the Colo-
" Bofton, Odob. ift, 1675. The nyes. Commiffioners underftanding that Thoma-s Danforth, Preftdt.
the Inhabitants of Pafcataque, and In the name, and by the
fo Eaftvvard, are under great Diftrefs, order of the Commiffioners"
by Reafon of the Rage of the Com- Original Paper. P2
1 1 8 A Narrative of the T'rotihles [22
On the feventh of OBober following, being a Day of publick Humiliation, a Man was fliot down, as he was riding between two Garifon Houfes about Newechewannick^ and dyed of his Wounds within two Hours after ; about the fame Inftant of Time two young Men were fliot dead about a Mile from that Place ; Thefe two had their Arms or Guns with them, which were car- ried away by them that killed them, together with their upper Garments : It is not laid that thefe three laft, (though killed upon a Day of Humiliation) were furprized in their repairing to, or returning from the Place of publick Wor- fliip, which would in a great Meafure have abated the Sorrow of their fad Funerals, if when they were fuddenly arrefted by the Harbingers of Death, they had been found fo doing.
Soon after this, they alfaulted another Houfe at Oyjicr River, the which, although it was Gar- rifoned, yet meeting with a good old Man, whofe Name was Beard,''^'^ without the Garifon, they killed him upon the Place, and in a barbarous Manner cut off his Head, and fet it upon a Pole in Derifion. Not far off about the fame Time they burned another Houfe and Barn.
Upon the fixteenth of Odlober, being Saturday, about an hundred of the Indiaiis were gathered together, to affault Neivtxhewannick ; they began
"'There was a Wi/Iiam Ihdrd fame killed as mentioned in the at Dover, 1640, according to Far- Text. Others of the Name, killed mer, and Savage fays he was the at a later Period, are met whh.
23] "uoith the Indians in New- England. 119
with one named Tozer,^^'> half a Mile from the Upper Garifon, at Salmon Falls. The faid Tozer was prefently killed, his Son taken [23] Captive (but returned after fome Months Reftraint) feveral Guns being fliot at this AfTault, alarmed Lieut. Plaijled at the next Garrifon, who like a Man of publick Spirit immediately fent out feven Men from the Garifon under his Command, to fee what the Matter was ; but being met by an Ambufli laid in the Way as they went, loft two or three of their Company, the Reft hardly efcap- ing back to the Place whence they came, where- upon the faid Lieut. Plaiftcd immediately dif- patched away a Meffenger to Major Waldern at ^echeco, which becaufe it feems to be the laft Time that ever that good and ufeful Man fet Pen to Paper, ftiall here be inferted.
Sahnon Falls, OBober 16, 1675. Mr. Richard Waldern and Lieut. Coffin, Thefe are to iiifortn you, that juji now the Indians are en- go-ging us with at leaji one hundred Men, and have Jlainfour of our Men already, Richard Tozer, James Barney, ''^^ Ifaack Bottes,'^^ and Tozer's Son, and burnt Benoni Hodfdens Houfe \^^'^ Sir, if ever you
' '"' According to Sullivan his name i^" As no other mention of thefe
was John; but according to the two Perfons, Barney and Tozer, is
Letter immediately following in the found, it is probable they were fingle
Text it was, Richard. Men, and perhaps had not been
^^^ Mr. Farmer does not feem to long in the Country. have noticed this Perfon, though he '^^This Name is ufually fmce
found a Jacob Barney, at Salem, and fpelt Hodgdon. There are many of
Mr. Savage could not add much, at the Name at the prefent Day in New
leaft he did not, to Farmer. Hampfhire and adjacent States.
1 2 o A Narrative of the Troubles [23
have afiy Love for us, and the Country, now fiew yoiirfelfwith Men to help us, or elje -we are all in great Danger to be Jlain, unlejs our God ^wonderfully appear for our Deliverance. They that cannot fight, let them pray ; Nought elfe, but I reft, Yours to ferve you, Signed by Roger Plaified,
George Br ought on. ' +9
What Anfwer was returned to this importunate and pathetical Letter, is not fully known at pre- fent ; moft probably he that was moft concerned in the Contents of it, was either abfent from Home, or in no Capacity to fend the Relief de- lired; which if it could have been had, might have prevented the faid Mifchief that fell out the next Day ; when Lieut. Plaified being more ear- neftly bent to perform that laft Office of Love to his deceafed Friends, whom he could not by all his Endeavours fave from the Danger of Death, while they were in the Land of the Living, would
'•''As carlv as 1654, "Mr. of her Eftate, and meeting with an-
Broughton's Man " is found in a Lift other great Loft, the Death of her
of Troopers who had been in Ser- Huftjand, and after that the Loft of
vice 16 Days, under Major Simon her Son, which was the only Sup-
Willard. This refers to Mr. The- port fh? had," and that flie is
mas Broughton probably. But the " brought very low," and her
Petitioner below, is no doubt the "Condition is very meane." She
Widow of George Broughton the therefore dcfires to be allowed " to
Signer of the above Letter : " Peti- retail Wine, Ale and Sider." The
tion of Paren Broughton, Widow Date of the Petition is July 6th,
of George Broughton, deceafed," 1696. Whether the General Court
fetting forth that flie "hath been took any Aftion in the Matter is
drouen [driven] out of Houfc and not known. See Maf. (MS.)
Home by the Indians, with the Loft Archives.
24] "with the htdians in JVew- England. 121
needs venture himfelf with twenty Soldiers out of his Garrifon, to fetch off the dead Bodies.
To that End he ordered a Pair of Oxen to be yoken to bring them to his Garrifon, in order to their Chriftian buryal, not confidering that the hidians lay fculking thereabouts, waiting for fuch Opportunities, They went firft to the furtheft Place, where they found Ko. T^ozers Body, and put it into their Cart ; but coming back to take up the other two Bo[24|dies, which were fallen in a little Swamp nearer to the Garifon, they were fet upon by an hundred and fifty of the Enemy, that had hid themfelves in the Bufhes, and under a Stone-wall, and Loggs in the Way, as they were to pafs ; by the fudden Noife of the Guns, the Cattel being frighted, ran away to the Gari- fon with fuch of the Dead as were firft laid up thereon, (and poffibly with one of them wounded at that Inftant) leaving their Owners to fight it out with their Enemies. Lieut. Plaijled being thus defperately aifaulted, he with his twenty Men, was forced to retreat to a Place of better Advantage; but being there fo hotly purfued, they were not able to abide it long ; although they killed and mortally wounded feveral of the Indians^ as themfelves have fince confelfed; but they mofi: of them being fo much overmatched, took the Opportunity of a fair Retreat, and fo got fafe to their Garifon, while Lieut. Flaijled out of the height of his Courage, difdaining either to fly from or yield himfelf (for 'tis faid the Indians
12 2 A Narrative of the Troubles [24.
were loth to kill him, but delirous rather to take him Prifoner) into the Hands of fuch curfed Caitiffs, did fight it out defperately, till he was flain upon the Place, his eldeft Son and another Man were flain in their too late Retreat ; and his other Son was forely wounded, fo that he dyed within a few Weeks after. '5°
The Indians were contented with this Mifchief for the prefent (and indeed if all the Englifli they had to deal with, had (hewed the like Refolution with this Plaijled, they would not have done half the Mifchief that fince hath been done by them) and flunk away into the Woods before the next Day, when Captain F?'oJi^^'' came up from Stur- geon Creek, (a few Miles below the River) with a Party of his Friends, and buryed the Dead : During thefe Onfets, the Enemy alfo took their Advantage to burn three Houfes, and two Barns before they left the Place.
The latter End of the fame Month they burned
'■50 There is a Tombftone near Roger Plaisted, who was
the Road in Berwick, on the Land killed at the same Time."
which was Plaiftcd's, near where Sullivan, 250.
this Battle was fought, upon which ''^1 Charla, afterwards Major
there is the following Infcription : Froft. He lived at Sturgeon Creek
" Here lies interred, the Body of in Kittery ; was often in adivc Ser-
Samuel Plaisted, Esq., vice againft the Indians, and had
WHO departed this Life, March excited their Envy and Hatred, and
20TH, 173 I, X.. 36. hence they longed for an Opportu-
Near this Place lies buried the nity to dcftrov him. This they at
Body ok Roger Plaisted, who length fuccecded in doing, by am-
WAS killed by the Indians, Oct, bufliing him and (hooting him from
i6th, 1675, R. 48 years; his Horfe as he was going to Mcet-
ALSO THE
Body OF his Son, Mr. ing, July 4th, 1697.
25] "with the hidians in New-Engla?jd. 123
a Mill near the fame Place belonging to Mr. Hutchinfoif'''- a Merchant of Bofton ; from whence they came down lower toward Sturgeo?i Creek, where they burned one Houfe, and killed two Men, not far from Captain Frofl's Dwelling ; he efcaping himfelf very narrowly, being (hot at by the Enemy, about ten in Number, who might ealily have burned his Houfe, and taken all that were in it, being but three Boys belides himfelf, had he not ufed this Policy ; to call out to fome to march this and the other Way, to look after the Indians, as if he had had many at hand to Command, which under God was the Means of his Efcape ; for his Houfe was neither fortified, nor well manned, yet was far from Neighbours.
The next Day the faid Indians palled down the River on Kittary Side, killed one Man, whofe Houfe they firft plundered, and then fet it [25] on Fire. All this was done jufh over againfl Portfmoutby from whence out of a fmall Battery was difcharged a Peice of Ordnance, which by a good Providence was directed fo to fling its Shot, as it fell very near a Party of the Indians for they were fo affrighted therewith (if none of them were killed) that they left a good Part of their Plunder near the Place. They were purfued by fome of the Engliih before they could recover their Home, and by the Help of the Snow that
i"5-This Mr. Hutchinfon, I fup- of London. In this Light the Ac-
pofe, was Edward Hutchinfon, who counts in Folfom's Saco and Bidde-
aded as Agent for " IVIr. Richard ford, and Williamfon's Maine be-
Hutchinfon," his Uncle, a Merchant come intelligible.
124- ^ Narrative of the T'roiibles [2 5
fell about that Time, were traced till they were overtaken : but being near a Swamp, themfelves elcaped, for Hafte leaving two of their Packs be- hind them.
Soon after they went up the River again to ^echechoy where they burned an Houfe, and two or three Barns. Another Party of them got over beyond the other Branches of Pafcataqua River^ toward Exeter, and Lampray Eyi River, where they killed one Man : Sundry of them were feen in the Woods about Exeter ; and be- tween Hanpton and Exeter, where they killed one or two Men in the Woods as they were travelling Homewards, occaiioned the People of thofe Towns to ftand continually upon their Guard, which proved a great Annoyance to the Inhabitants.
But to look a Little back to the Plantations more Eaftward from Pafcataqua River, where thefe Outrages 'of the Indians firft began.
At Cafco Bay, Lieut. Ingerfons Son, with an- other Man, going out afowling about this Time, were both killed before they returned Home, his Fathers Houfes being burned, with many others alfo thereabouts.
At Black-point, Lieut. Auger^^'> with two more
' •'53 This Name is differently writ- Land of tlie Indians. They named
ten in the fame Works, as Aiilgcr, their Purchafe Dunfton, that being
Alger and Augur. The two killed the Name of the Place in Norfolk,
at this Time were Arthur and An- England, whence they emigrated,
drew Angur. They were fettled in Sec CoUfdions, Maine Ilioftrical
Scarborough, where, about 1651, Society, \\\, 2-]. There are no Male
they purchafed 1,000 Acres of Defcendants of the Name. IVil/is.
2 6] with the Indiaits in New-England. 125
were alTaulted by the Indians, where after many Shot exchanged betwixt them, himfelf was fo wounded that he died foon after, and his Brother was abb killed in a few Days afterwards, not far from the fame Place.
When the Rifmg of the Indians firil: began in thofe Eaftern Parts, (with us called the County of Tork-fldire,\^^ Captain Wincot of Newechewan- nicfz, with fome others, having a Sympathy for the Sufferings of the Neighbours, marched up that Way with a fmall Party of Men : In his firft Skirmifh with the Enemy, he chanced to lofe two or three of his Company ; the Reft being not above eleven in all, as they were marching along by the Sea-fide, were alfaulted by a great Number of the Indians, judged to be an hundred and fifty : he being hard befet with fo great a Number, retreated to an Heap of Bolts that lay near the Water-fide, by the Shelter of which they lay fafe from the Indians Guns, and fo well plyed their few Guns, that they flew many of their Enemies, and put them all to a Kind of Rout at the lall: : After which by the Help of an old Canoo, they recovered fafe to the other [26] Side of the Bank. But nine Saco Men had worfe Succefs, who yet came with a very good Inten-
^■^■i It was called Dcvonfliire alio humble Petition of the diflrefled by feme of its Inhabitants, as ap- Inhabitants of the Countie of De- pears by a Petition drawn up the von : fuffering by the treacherous following Year. The Preamble to and bloodthirfly Heathen,'' &c. which thus commences: "The Original Petition, MS. Q2
126 A Narrative of the Troubles [26
tion to help their Friends, upon the hearing of their Guns ; but as they came to refcue Captain Wincol with his fmall Party, they themfelves fell into an Ambufli of the Indians, and fo were all cut off, with two other Men alfo, near the Place where the firft Skirmifli was ; for the Indians from the Shore Side could difcern any that were coming towards them, when they were a great Way off, and fo might eafily way-lay them, be- fore they could come up to them. Near upon feven Houfes were burned about this Time, and fome perfons killed at Bl ack- point. '^^'>
'■"'■' An additional Note is given to thefe Events in " The Table," ante. No. 40, by the Author. But from all he has given us we have but a faint Shadow of the Perils and Trials which then adtually exifted in that Country. As Capt. Jofhua Scottow of Bofton had an Eftab- lifhment at Black Point, and was there at the Time of the Attack with a Company of Soldiers, it is Singular that he is not noticed by Mr. Hubbard. The following Ex- trads fron) certain original Papers in my PoffefTion will fhow that Capt. Scottow wasfevcrcly ccnfurcd for his Condud for rcfufing to aflift the People when attacked by the Indians, and that he brought in a Bill againft them for his and his Men's Services afterwards. " Miles Edgcomb " depofcd that he was aged about 25 Years; that he was at Black Point when " nine of Winter Harbour Men were fighting
with the Indians upon the Sands oppofite faid Place, and faw fundrie Men come to Mr. Scottow impor- tuning and profefmg themfelves that he would fend over fome Ayde to thofe poore diftrcffed Men, whoe they were afraide would be over- come by the Indians except they had fpeedie Reliefe, being within foe fmall Compafs that they plainlie did fee that the Nuinber of the Heathen was farr exceeding the Englifli : notwithftanding all this Mr. Scottow would not fufFer a Man to goe to help them. Then came John Lux and afckt him if he was not afliamed to ftand ftill with lo nianie armed Men and fufler nine Wintcrharbour Men to bee murthered by the curfed Hea- then ! Come, faies Lux, putt mee fome Men into my Shallopp and I will foarthwith,by the Hclpe of God pull them on Shoare in Little Rivver: being then neare high Water, and
2 6] with the Indians in New-England. 127
Two Perfons likewife were killed at Wells^^'>^ in the Beginning of the Winter, one of them was a Servant of Mr. William Sitnons (one of the principal Men in the Town aforefaid) : the Gen- tleman himfelf with his Family, were removed to a Garifon-houfe in the Middle of the Town ;
thereby, I doubt not but wee fhall r.iive fome of their Lifes. Al] which, boathe talkeing and haveing in his View that fad Sight, would not moove Mr. Scottow to releife thofe poorc Englifli, whoe for Want of Helpe weare found flaine neare to the aforefaid River, wheare Lux would have landed Ayde if hee could have gott anie from faid Scot- tow," Sworn before Brian Pendle- ton, July 20th, 1676.
John Jackfon, aged 40 Years, or thereabouts, teilified that when the Indians were burning Dunfton he heard Mr. Foxwell urge Capt. Wincoll to go out with his Com- pany to fight the Indians ; that Wincoh declined, having no Com- miffion from Capt. Scottow to do fo ; that Mr. Foxwell's Garrifon was fhorr of Powder, and that he (fackfon) went to Capt. Scottow to get fome belonging to the Company ; that the Captain replied that if the Bofton Soldiers wanted Powder, they could have it, but if the In- habitants wanted it they muft buy it. The Price was half a Crown the Pound.
This was alfo fworn to before Mr. Pendleton, as was another by Giles Barge, but too long to be here
inferted. Walter Gendall likewife teftified to the Inhumanity of Capt. Scottow. His Depofition was taken by " Henry Jocelyn, the lail of July, 1676."
Scottow drew up a long Defence ot his Condu6l, in the Form of a Petition to the General Court. A Report was made upon it by a Committee, confifting of Nathaniel Saltotiftall, James Rufell, Thorn as Brattle, Samuell Appleton and John Wayt, from which Report the Cap tain does not appear to have had the Sympathy of the Court. The Committee remark that they did not think it Expedient to grant him' a Hearing, as the Parties concerned, " by late Tranfaftions are put under another Government, viz., in the Province of Main." Both the Magiftrates and Deputies approved the Aftion of the Committee.
'■J'The xA.uthor feems to have omitted to notice the Condition of the People at Saco in the early Part of the War. Copies of two original Letters will be found in Mather's Brief Hijiory, Edition 1862 ; one written at Saco, Sept 18th, 1675, the other at Wells, on the following Day. Thefe throw much Light on that fearful Period.
12 8 A Narrative of the Troubles [26
his Servant going early in the Morning to look after fome Bulinefs there, tarryed longer than was needful to provide fomething for himfelf, the Indians invited themfelves to breakfaft with him, making the poor Fellow pay the Shot, when they had done, with the Lofs of his Life.
A Week after, one Crofs^^^ was flain at Wells likewife, who was a Kind of diftradied Fellow. Alfo one Ifaac Coujifjs,^^^ was there killed in the